Eastern Front Prelude # 0.1 The Russian Revolution

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

The eastern front is ompf. One could describe it as a cataclysm of competing ideologies, armies and unimaginable human suffering. The scale of the horror defies comprehension, millions were thrown into a meat grinder, fueled by totalitarian brutality. Cities were burned, bodies were frozen, entire swathes of peoples were ground into dust.

For those of you coming here from the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, Pacific War week by week podcast or Echoes of war, well welcome back folks. For you newbies, my name is Craig, I specialize in the Pacific War, a pretty comparable theater in terms of human suffering. I am by no means a specialist on the Eastern Front of WW2, like many of you I too will be an avid learner as we tackle this fascinating and tragic part of history week by week. However, to toss you right into operation barbarossa would be pretty rough to say the least, we need a basis for how the Eastern front came to be, thus prelude episodes everybody!

 

This episode is Prelude #1 The Russian Revolution and Russian Civil War.

In the early 20th century, Russia was a vast empire grappling with profound social, political, and economic turmoil. The seeds of discontent were sown in the late 19th century, as rapid industrialization transformed the country. Factories sprang up, drawing peasants from the countryside into the cities, where they faced grueling working conditions, low wages, and long hours. The burgeoning urban working class began to organize, inspired by revolutionary ideas and the promise of a better life. The Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) was a catalyst for violent revolution. Russia's defeat by Japan, a nation often viewed as inferior, shattered the myth of Russian superiority and exposed the weaknesses of the Tsarist regime. The war drained resources and morale, leading to widespread dissatisfaction among soldiers and civilians alike. As the war dragged on, food shortages and rising prices fueled anger, and the populace began to demand change.

On January 22, 1905, a pivotal event known as "Bloody Sunday" ignited the revolution. A peaceful march led by Father Gapon, a priest advocating for workers' rights, aimed to present a petition to Tsar Nicholas II. The marchers, carrying icons and singing hymns, were met with gunfire from the imperial guard. Hundreds were killed or wounded, and the massacre shocked the nation. This brutal response turned many Russians against the Tsar, who had previously been seen as a paternal figure.

In the wake of Bloody Sunday, strikes erupted across the country, and revolutionary fervor spread like wildfire. Workers, peasants, and even soldiers began to organize into councils known as "soviets." These grassroots organizations demanded better working conditions, land reforms, and political representation. The unrest was not limited to the cities; rural areas saw peasant uprisings as landless farmers sought to claim land from wealthy landowners. The Tsar, realizing the gravity of the situation, issued the October Manifesto, which promised civil liberties and the establishment of a legislative assembly, the Duma. However, the reforms were half-hearted and failed to satisfy the growing demands for genuine political change. The Duma was limited in power, and the Tsar retained significant authority, leading to further disillusionment among the populace.

As the revolution waned, the underlying issues remained unresolved. The social and economic inequalities persisted, and the political landscape was still dominated by autocracy. The revolution of 1905 did not bring about the sweeping changes many had hoped for, but it set the stage for future upheaval. The discontent simmered beneath the surface, creating a volatile environment that would ultimately contribute to the larger and more violent Russian Revolution of 1917. By the time World War I erupted in 1914, Russia was a nation on the brink. The unresolved grievances from the 1905 revolution, coupled with the strains of war, would lead to a catastrophic collapse of the Tsarist regime. The events of 1905 were a harbinger of the profound changes that lay ahead, marking a significant turning point in Russian history and the eventual rise of revolutionary movements that would reshape the nation forever.

In the summer of 1914, as Europe plunged into the Great War, Russia found itself thrust into the Eastern Front, a vast and sprawling battlefield stretching over 1,600 kilometers. Tsar Nicholas II's empire, eager to expand its influence in the Balkans, mobilized its massive army, totaling 115 infantry and 38 cavalry divisions, against both Germany and Austria-Hungary. Initially, Russia's strategy was aggressive, launching offensives into East Prussia against the Germans and Galicia against the Austro-Hungarians. In East Prussia, General Yakov Zhilinsky, with superior numbers, aimed for a swift victory. However, the Germans, under the command of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, orchestrated a devastating counterattack at the Battle of Tannenberg, encircling and annihilating General Aleksandr Samsonov’s Second Army. Samsonov, overwhelmed by the defeat, committed suicide.

Meanwhile, in Galicia, the Russian armies achieved initial successes against Austria-Hungary, capturing Lemberg and collapsing the Austro-Hungarian front. However, these victories were short-lived. Germany, recognizing the vulnerability of its ally, transferred forces to the east, and with combined efforts, pushed the Russians back towards Warsaw. As 1915 dawned, the Eastern Front transformed into a brutal war of attrition. Despite staggering losses, Tsar Nicholas II refused to negotiate peace, instead taking personal command of the Russian forces. The Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive, launched by the Central Powers, resulted in massive Russian territorial losses and casualties, but failed to knock Russia out of the war. In 1916, the situation worsened for Russia. The Brusilov Offensive, a desperate attempt to relieve pressure on the Western Front and Italy, initially achieved spectacular gains against Austria-Hungary. However, lacking reserves and facing counterattacks led by German General Alexander von Linsingen, the offensive stalled, resulting in catastrophic casualties. 

By January of 1917 Russia had suffered 6 million casualties. Instead of improving the situation, entering the great war exacerbated all the underlying problems of the ailing empire and caused such a slaughter of her people it would help usher in another revolution. The military, now filled with peasants, the working class, and political radicals, had lost faith in the Tsar. The liberal-dominated Duma persistently urged the Tsar to implement constitutional reforms, but he consistently refused. Having alienated the common people, the military, and the elites, the Tsar found himself without allies. By 1917, millions of war refugees had poured in from German-occupied areas, leaving the home front in disarray. During her 17 months in power, the Tsarina oversaw the appointment of four Prime Ministers, five Ministers of the Interior, three War Ministers, three Foreign Ministers, four Ministers of Agriculture, and three Ministers of Transport. The public sensed that famine was imminent. The situation became so dire that Mikhail Rodzianko, the president of the Duma, along with Grand Duchess Marie Pavlovna and British ambassador Sir George Buchanan, jointly recommended that the Tsarina be removed from decision-making, but the Tsar ignored their advice. With Rasputin dead, it became evident to everyone that the Tsar and Tsarina were the real issues.

On March 3rd, workers at the Putilov Factory, the largest plant in Petrograd, announced a strike. Meanwhile, tens of thousands of train cars filled with food and coal were stranded on the tracks as the Tsar left for the front on March 7th. The following day, strikers celebrated International Women’s Day, leading to bread riots throughout the city. Women marched from factory to factory, urging workers to join the strike, and soon their numbers swelled to 50,000. Men and women filled the streets, demanding an end to the war and the monarchy. By the next day, their ranks had grown to 200,000, and by the 10th, nearly all industries in Petrograd had come to a halt. Alarmed, the Tsar sent a telegram to General Khabalov, the commander of the Petrograd garrison, ordering him to disperse the rioters by force. Although there were about 180,000 troops available in Petrograd, most were either untrained or wounded. Only 12,000 were deemed reliable, but they hesitated to act against the protestors, many of whom were women. Some troops refused to cooperate, opting to hide, while a few even joined the rioters. In the afternoon, the 4th company of the Pavlovsky Reserve Regiment engaged in a firefight with mounted police until they were disarmed by the Preobrazhensky Regiment. This marked the first instance of open mutiny within the Petrograd garrison. Rodzianko informed the Tsar of the situation, prompting the Tsar to dissolve the Duma and appoint Alexander Protopopov as dictator.

The following day, 25,000 soldiers occupied the Duma, where some delegates formed a Provisional Committee led by Rodzianko. They immediately demanded Protopopov's resignation and dissolved the Council of Ministers. That night, General Khabalov confronted a city overrun by revolutionaries who were burning buildings, looting, arming themselves from the arsenal, and freeing prisoners. The majority of the garrison mutinied, joining the revolutionaries and distributing over 40,000 rifles to them. Several government buildings were set ablaze, insubordinate troops were shot, and many either hid or sided with the rioters, leading to the collapse of the garrison's ability to restore order. On the 12th, the Provisional Committee declared itself the governing body of the empire in an effort to restore law and order. At the same time, socialist political parties re-established the Petrograd Soviet to represent soldiers and workers. The Tsar attempted to leave Mogilev the next day but was unable to reach Petrograd due to revolutionary control of the railway stations. On the 14th, the Tsar arrived in Pskov and, under strong advice, abdicated the throne. The next day, Rodzianko formed the Provisional Government in collaboration with the Petrograd Soviet, despite opposition from the Bolsheviks. At 3 PM, Nicholas II nominated his brother, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich, to take the throne, but he declined, knowing he would lack support. On the 16th, the Romanov dynasty officially came to an end. Most of the Romanov family sought refuge in Alexander Palace under the protective custody of the new Provisional Government.

The Russian autocracy transformed into a system of "dual power," shared between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet. The Provisional Government was mainly made up of former liberal and conservative Duma members who were not elected by the populace, leading to perceptions of its illegitimacy. To gain more formal authority, they included some representatives from the Petrograd Soviet, such as the moderate socialist Alexander Kerensky. Concerned about the increasing influence of the Petrograd Soviet, they attempted to appease it with minor reforms while firmly insisting on continuing the war, a stance opposed by the Petrograd Soviet. The Petrograd Soviet considered itself a quasi-shadow government, advocating for the needs of disenfranchised workers and soldiers. All its members were socialists, predominantly Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, with fewer Bolsheviks. They promised to withdraw Russia from the war if they gained power. Workers and soldiers, believing that the Petrograd Soviet would provide food, land, and peace, began to elect deputies in large numbers, significantly increasing membership. Among its executive committee was the Socialist Revolutionary Alexander Kerensky, a popular figure within the military.

The Petrograd Soviet criticized the Provisional Government, labeling it as bourgeois and boasting about their de facto power over the government’s de jure authority. They controlled major railway stations, telegraph networks, and strategic infrastructure, using these resources to exert pressure. In June 1917, a Bolshevization of the Soviets began, with the Bolsheviks leveraging their newspaper, Pravda, for a robust propaganda campaign. As time went on, political distinctions blurred as more Soviet-based parties joined the Provisional Government.

 

To further escalate the situation, Erich von Ludendorff facilitated Vladimir Lenin's return from exile in Zürich to Petrograd. At the Finland Station on April 16th, Lenin delivered a speech denouncing the Provisional Government and urging the Soviets to seize power. However, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries believed that Russia was not yet ready to transition to a communist regime. In the following days, Lenin participated in Bolshevik meetings, denouncing attempts to reconcile with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who supported the Provisional Government. He argued that the Provisional Government was merely a continuation of the old Tsarist regime and called for an immediate peace with the central powers, advocating for the Soviets to establish a communist government. Sensing frustration among the Bolsheviks, Lenin proposed an armed political demonstration to gauge the government's reaction.

The Bolsheviks initiated an uprising from July 3 to 7, referred to as the “July Days.” On July 11, Alexander Kerensky was appointed Prime Minister of the Provisional Government and employed military force to suppress the uprising, resulting in hundreds of deaths in the streets. Lenin fled to Finland to avoid arrest, while Trotsky and other socialist leaders were detained. Following the crackdown, a significant rift developed between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The Bolsheviks promised to end the war if they gained power, appealing strongly to soldiers and urban workers. A clear divide emerged not only between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviets but also within the military, which increasingly leaned towards the Bolsheviks in their desire to end the war. Although the uprising was unsuccessful, the Bolsheviks experienced substantial growth in membership, soon surpassing the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Kerensky appointed General Lavr Kornilov as the commander-in-chief of the Russian Army, hoping to create a more unified government. Kornilov aimed to eliminate any signs of revolution, particularly those associated with the Bolsheviks.

On September 4, General Kornilov, mistakenly believing that radicals were seizing control of the Provisional Government, ordered the army to subdue Petrograd. Kerensky attempted to prevent this by sending a telegram to dismiss Kornilov and instructing him not to advance on the city, but his efforts were futile, as Kornilov seemed intent on establishing a military dictatorship. Faced with a significant threat and lacking sufficient troops to defend Petrograd, Kerensky turned to the Petrograd Soviet and the Bolsheviks. Together, they formed the Committee for the Struggle Against Counterrevolution to protect Petrograd. Their success was largely due to the Bolsheviks' control of railways and telegraphs, which disrupted Kornilov’s coup. However, Kerensky armed the Bolsheviks and released prisoners like Leon Trotsky, making them appear as heroes to the public and positioning them as the primary opposition to the Provisional Government, while the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries hesitated to break from the national unity movement. Additionally, military officers and conservatives felt betrayed by Kerensky’s handling of Kornilov, rendering his Provisional Government ineffective.

On September 14th, Kerensky announced the establishment of the first Russian Republic, while the Bolsheviks began seizing control of major cities. During September and October, mass strikes erupted among urban workers in Petrograd and Moscow, as well as among metalworkers in the Urals, miners in the Donbas, oil workers in Baku, textile workers in the Central Industrial Region, and railway workers across over 44 railway lines. Peasants initiated uprisings in three-quarters of the country, losing faith that the Mensheviks or Social Revolutionaries could provide them with land. Garrisons in major cities, at the war fronts, and the Baltic Fleet no longer acknowledged the authority of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks secured a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, and Trotsky was elected chairman on October 8th. Aligning with Lenin against other factions, Trotsky voted for a military uprising on October 10th. He established a revolutionary military committee that systematically occupied key locations in Petrograd. However, Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev leaked this information, prompting Kerensky to take action on November 6th.

Kerensky deployed soldiers to shut down Bolshevik newspaper offices, announcing their immediate closure. The Bolsheviks condemned these actions, leading to sporadic clashes between Kerensky’s loyalist forces and Bolshevik militias, such as the Red Guards. The following day, the Bolsheviks launched an uprising in Petrograd, supported by a pro-Bolshevik flotilla in the harbor. The Red Guards methodically seized government buildings, railway stations, communication hubs, and other strategic points throughout the city. The Petrograd garrison and most local military units sided with the insurgents, leaving Kerensky and the Provisional Government isolated and unable to mount a significant defense. Kerensky fled Petrograd as Lenin declared the overthrow of the Provisional Government.

By the end of the year, Moscow, Sevastopol, Rostov, and many other cities had come under the control of the new Soviet Government. The October Revolution unfolded and concluded within just a few days. Within weeks, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic was formed. The government's immediate focus was on addressing domestic challenges, leading to a rapid implementation of reforms. The next step was to secure peace. In December 1917, negotiations commenced in the German-occupied city of Brest-Litovsk but faced delays until Trotsky announced to his fellow delegates that the war was over. “Our relationship with the imperialistic governments of both sides is the same, and we are no longer willing to shed our soldiers’ blood for the interests of one side over the other. We are leading our army and our people out of the war, in anticipation of an imminent time when the oppressed peoples of all countries will take their fate into their own hands, in the way that Russian workers have done. Our soldiers, once farm workers, must return to the land, which the revolution has taken out of the hands of the landowners and placed into peasant hands so that he can till the land peacefully this spring. Our industrial soldier must return to his workshop to produce weapons of production, rather than weapons of destruction, and together with the farmer build a new socialist economy.”Russia would not sign a treaty but also would not engage in further fighting, and the army was instructed to demobilize.

The Germans were taken aback by this turn of events, but they were determined to advance the front line as far as possible to compel the Soviets to agree to a treaty. The assault commenced almost immediately, encountering little to no resistance as they moved forward. The rest of the Baltic states fell rapidly, bringing the Germans close to the capital. Fearing the collapse of their fledgling state, the Soviets panicked and sent requests for terms. Nevertheless, the Germans continued their advance, aiming to secure leverage for a more severe treaty. Finally, on February 23, 1918, they presented their terms. The Soviet government, recognizing they had no alternative, agreed without hesitation.

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk proved catastrophic for the future USSR. It resulted in Russia losing 34% of its population, 54% of its industry, 90% of its Coal, and 26% of its railways. Finland, Ukraine. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Belarus became independent. None of the Allies acknowledged the Soviet government in Petrograd; instead, they opted to support the former Provisional Government. Supporters of the Provisional Government and the old Tsarist regime, along with other adversaries of the Bolsheviks, loosely formed a coalition known as the White Russians. The White Forces consisted of supporters from every corner of the old empire. Socialist opposition to the Bolsheviks, Tsarists, independence movements, Allied forces, and even the Germans cooperated to the common goal of eliminating the new Soviet Government.  The Soviet's separate peace with the Germans bolstered Allied support for the White forces. Viewing this as a failure of Russia’s treaty obligations, the Allies decided to intervene in its internal matters. By May, Allied troops had landed in Murmansk and Vladivostok, with the US Army eventually deploying several thousand soldiers to Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok. Initially, these forces were welcomed as a safeguard against further German intervention following the treaty's signing. However, within months, clashes erupted between the Allied detachments and the newly established Red Army, leading to prolonged fighting.

Initially, the White forces were quite disorganized. Local factions leaned towards independence, and the support from the Allies was never as robust as the White forces required. Over time, multiple centers of resistance emerged. General Anton Denikin took command of the White Russian forces in the south, with his support base located around the Black and Caspian Seas. In the north, General Yevgeny Miller operated from Arkhangelsk, while General Nikolai Yudenich was positioned in Helsinki in the northwest. In 1919, these three leaders would unite to provide support for Admiral Alexander Kolchak's Supreme Command. This organized resistance functioned as a shadow government until its near collapse in 1920, although fighting persisted until 1922. 

For Germany, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk turned out to be a major mistake. The occupied territories necessitated the presence of over one million soldiers in the east, which hindered the full deployment of troops to the western front as originally intended. Since the war began, food shortages had been a persistent issue for Germany and Austria-Hungary, and there were hopes that territorial gains in the east would help alleviate this problem. However, these expectations were unrealistic, as meaningful exports could not be established overnight from a region ravaged by war and turmoil. As a result, in 1918, the Central Powers faced growing unrest at home. There was a consensus that the war needed to end soon, but the pressing question was how to achieve that outcome in their favor.

Eager to bring the war to a close, Germany launched a spring offensive. On March 21, 1918, the "Michael" offensive commenced, with the German 17th, 2nd, and 18th Armies attacking along a front stretching from the Somme to Flanders. The divisions involved had been specially trained and chosen for this assault, targeting relatively unprepared British troops from the 3rd and 5th Armies. Although the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) anticipated the offensive, they had not adequately prepared for it. In the first week, the German forces made significant tactical advances, pushing nearly to Amiens. At this stage of the conflict, around ten thousand American soldiers were arriving at the front each day, a number the German Army could not match. For every British soldier taken out of action, an American was ready to step in. The offensive began to lose momentum as it entered its second week, and on April 5, General Ludendorff called it off. The operation lasted only fifteen days, resulting in over two hundred thousand casualties for Germany, who gained just forty miles of territory. While the BEF and the French Army suffered losses, they could replace their troops much more rapidly than the Germans. The British and French reserves totaled around two hundred thousand men, not including the increasing American forces. In contrast, the Germans could only muster about sixty thousand replacements for the units involved in the Michael offensive, leading to a growing disparity in troop strength.

Warnings were plentiful that the troops were nearing the limits of their strength. Since March, the German Army had incurred approximately a million casualties across all fronts, with only seven hundred thousand men arriving as replacements. Nevertheless, Ludendorff remained unconvinced and initiated four additional offensives, further depleting Germany's already limited reserves. By late July, the German Army had exhausted its resources completely. The situation was critical, and the balance of power on the Western Front had clearly shifted in favor of the Allies. The defeat of Russia had not alleviated the issues in the West. German troops were exhibiting significant indiscipline, with division commanders expressing concerns to higher command about the troops' quality and fighting spirit. Looting by German soldiers became rampant, and the peace movement at home was increasingly difficult to overlook.

On August 8, the Allies launched the offensive that would ultimately conclude the war in the West. The Hundred Days Offensive saw millions of front-line troops advancing along the entire front. The American Expeditionary Force attacked in the St. Mihiel sector, while the British Expeditionary Force, along with Belgian and French forces, engaged in their respective areas. The following weeks showcased a brutal attritional warfare, resulting in some of the highest casualties of the entire conflict.

 

Under the mounting pressure, Ludendorff finally broke. His armies were unable to withstand the Allies’ offensive. By mid-September, the Bulgarians had collapsed, leaving the southern flank of the Central Powers vulnerable. Faced with this situation, the once-unyielding Ludendorff informed the Kaiser that the war needed to come to an end. He even proposed that the Social Democrats be granted power in the government. Consequently, Kaiser Wilhelm II appointed Prince Max von Baden as Chancellor. Baden, who had been an opposition figure since the war began, was surprised to be entrusted with such authority. On October 4, he sent the first serious peace overture, directly asking President Wilson for an armistice. Discussions continued throughout October. Meanwhile, the German army was suffering severe losses in Belgium. However, Ludendorff approached the Kaiser, advocating for the continuation of the war and the dismissal of Baden. He based his argument on the lofty notion of maintaining resistance if the armies could retreat to the German border in an orderly fashion. In reality, he had experienced a physical and mental breakdown in September when he first suggested peace to the Kaiser. A few weeks later, having regained some strength and confidence, he attempted to reassert his authority and influence over the Kaiser, hoping to have Baden removed. Instead, Ludendorff was dismissed, although his longtime ally, Hindenburg, retained his position.

The Kaiser had not yet succeeded in removing the war faction from his cabinet. The Navy High Command made a final attempt to fight back. On November 3rd, sailors revolted when ordered to set sail for a last confrontation with the Royal Navy. This sparked widespread unrest and protests in Kiel and later in Lubeck. On November 10th, the Kaiser abdicated and fled to the neutral Netherlands. However, his abdication was largely symbolic, as representatives from the Reichstag had already declared Germany a republic on the 9th. Delegates were sent to negotiate an armistice, and a provisional government was established, with a peace treaty to follow. The war was effectively over for Germany. Friedrich Ebert was appointed as the new leader of the government, but he faced an escalating crisis as communist and other far-left groups sought to seize power. Right-wing factions also remained active. Violent clashes erupted across Germany as both far-right and far-left movements vied for influence. It wasn't until August 1919 that a new constitution was adopted. This marked the beginning of a return to stability in Germany under the Weimar Republic, as the constitution aimed to provide a compromise that facilitated a democratic process to address the conflicts between the political extremes. However, both sides continued to resort to violence to achieve their goals for some time. Eventually, within a generation, election campaigning would become the favored method for gaining political power in Germany.

The rest of Europe officially concluded the First World War on November 11, 1918, with the signing of the Armistice, which effectively ended the conflict in the West, even though the Treaty of Versailles would not be finalized until June 1919. The war had a devastating impact on all parties involved, particularly for the Central Powers, who faced catastrophic consequences. The monarchies of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire were all dismantled, with Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire ceasing to exist as nations. Germany was significantly weakened, while Austria-Hungary suffered approximately thirty-eight percent of its soldiers as casualties or prisoners. The Ottoman Empire experienced around fifty percent of its military personnel as casualties during the conflict.

Although the Allies emerged as victors, they did not come out as strong as one might expect. The immense burden of the war inflicted severe damage on all nations involved. World War One drained Europe, from London to Moscow, of a generation of young men. Billions of dollars were invested in the war effort, and the best outcome was that they had not been defeated. France was nominally the dominant land power in the world, with no one able to withstand its armies in 1918. However, reaching this point required nearly all of the country's resources. France lost about seventy percent of the men it recruited during the war as casualties. Britain performed better in relative terms, with nearly fifty percent of its recruits becoming casualties for the British Empire. Russia faced around thirty-five percent of its soldiers as casualties, with millions more captured or unaccounted for. Additionally, countless civilians were caught in the conflict, displaced from their homes or succumbing to starvation.

Europe in 1918 was remarkably different from what it had been in 1914. The most devastating war in history had transformed the continent’s geography, demographics, and politics. A power vacuum emerged in the Balkans as all three major powers collapsed. The Baltic states had also undergone significant changes; Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Finland had not existed in 1914. These nations primarily arose from the remnants of the Russian Empire, with Poland expanding following Germany's downfall. For the first time since the seventeenth century, Ukraine emerged as an independent nation. Germany's military might had completely crumbled. In 1914, the Kaiser’s army was highly regarded and feared as the most capable military force in Europe since the time of Napoleon. Now, it was limited by a treaty to just 100,000 troops, prohibited from having tanks or an air force, and faced little prospect of regaining its former status as the world’s leading military power. The German navy was insignificantly small, with no submarines allowed and a surface fleet reduced to an outdated force that could hardly influence naval affairs anywhere globally.

In 1918, the Russian Army was in utter chaos. While the German Army had been reduced to a small standing force, it still retained a solid core of experienced commissioned and noncommissioned officers. The same could not be said for the newly formed Red Army, where officers were vanishing at an alarming rate due to executions, dismissals, and desertions. Ideological conformity became the main criterion for new appointments, leading to many aristocratic generals being deemed unfit for service. This resulted in a leadership crisis. Despite these challenges, the leaders of the new Russian Soviet government sought to reclaim territories lost during the war. The Treaty of Versailles established a formal peace between the Central Powers and the Allies, but not throughout all of Europe. The Treaty of Versailles resulted in Germany giving up its territorial gains from Brest-Litovsk, as well as cede several important territories to old rivals and new countries alike. Germany lost 12% of its population, 10% of its coal, 48% of its Iron ore, and all of its overseas territories. Its army was to be limited to 100K soldiers and the Navy was limited to 15K sailors with no Air Force allowed. Just two days after the initial Armistice, Lenin’s government rejected the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, ensuring that Europe would remain in turmoil. The Soviets were determined to reconquer their lost lands. The Russian Civil War had begun shortly after the October Revolution but had been simmering for months. Now, however, the situation was about to escalate, with wars of reconquest igniting and the Allies increasingly supporting the White Russians.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

By the early 20th century, the Empire of Russia faced absolute turmoil leading to the revolution of 1905. The Tsar did little to change the crumbling empire as they entered WW1. The war went disastrously allowing for another revolution to kick off in 1917. The Bolsheviks seized power, and signed a brutal treaty with the Central Powers who shortly after lost WW1. Within this vacuum now Russia faced a civil war.