Eastern Front Prelude #0.3 The Reichswehr

Last time we spoke about the Russian Civil War. In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution and World War I, the Russian Civil War ignited, leading to a struggle for independence among various nations within the former empire. As the Bolsheviks seized control, they faced opposition from the White Movement and various nationalist groups. Ukraine, for instance, saw bloodshed between the Red Army and the White forces, compounded by external influences from Germany and Poland. Similar turmoil unfolded in Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, each grappling with their sovereign destinies amidst Russian turmoil. Throughout these conflicts, the Red Army emerged as a formidable force, gradually professionalizing through strategic leadership and collaboration with Germany. Ultimately, the Soviet government established a new order, although its grip on the territories remained contested and fraught with violence. The civil war's sweeping changes resulted in millions of casualties and the birth of new nations vying for their identities against the backdrop of a collapsing empire.

This episode is Prelude #3 The Reichswehr

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Hello again and welcome to the third prelude episode where we will be looking at the development of the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. 

In the autumn of 1918, Germany was a nation in turmoil. The Great War had taken a horrific toll, leaving millions dead and the landscape of Europe altered forever. As the war dragged on, the German populace grew weary and disillusioned. The country faced food shortages, economic deprivation, and increasing unrest. Battles raged at the front, and the whispers of revolution began to echo through the streets of cities like Berlin and Munich. In late October 1918, the German Navy, facing certain defeat, mutinied against their commanders in Kiel. It began with a group of sailors refusing to set sail for a final engagement with the British fleet. This act of defiance sparked protests and unrest, quickly spreading to various sectors of society. Workers and soldiers united, demanding an end to the war and a change in government. 

On November 9, 1918, amid the upheaval, Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated. The announcement sent waves of excitement and relief through the streets of Berlin, as crowds celebrated the end of the monarchy. However, this was only the beginning of a more complex struggle. Two main factions emerged in the revolutionary landscape: the Social Democrats “SPD”, who aimed for a parliamentary democracy, and the more radical Spartacist League, led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, who advocated for a socialist revolution. As the new government took shape, the SPD formed a coalition with moderate left-wing groups. They declared a new republic, known as the Weimar Republic, on November 9, 1918, with Friedrich Ebert as the Chancellor. Ebert’s government faced immediate challenges, including the need to maintain order and appease the demands of workers and soldiers who sought significant reforms. Strikes and protests became commonplace. Workers' councils, or “soviets,” were established across the country, asserting their influence over the social and political landscape. In response, the SPD sought to suppress the more radical movements. The Spartacists, unsatisfied with the pace of reform, initiated their own uprising in January 1919, believing that a true revolution was necessary to secure a socialist future.

The Spartacist uprising, however, was met with violent resistance. The government decided to quell the insurrection by enlisting the help of the Freikorps, paramilitary groups made up of former soldiers. We will get into them more in a bit. Over the course of the uprising, brutal clashes ensued in the streets of Berlin. The Freikorps, driven by a mix of anti-communism and nationalist fervor, clashed with the Spartacists, resulting in significant bloodshed. On January 15, 1919, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were captured and murdered by the Freikorps. Their deaths sparked national outrage and further polarized the political landscape. The radical left realized the urgency of their cause, but with their leaders gone, the movement fractured under the weight of government repression and internal divisions. The crisis had been narrowly averted when the first Chancellor, Friedrich Ebert, reached an agreement with Army Quartermaster General Wilhelm Groener. The details of this pact remain undocumented, with only Groener’s account available today. He asserted that he offered Ebert the Army's backing on the condition that Ebert would take steps to suppress early strands of communism within the military and ensure a peaceful transition of power. This arrangement helped stabilize the nascent Republic during its early days and is referred to as the Ebert-Groener Pact.

Now I would like to talk abit about the German armed forces after WW1. The remnants of the Imperial Army were divided into two main factions: those stationed on the western front and their counterparts on the eastern front. The eastern front, in particular, required urgent attention as new states, some having not existed for centuries, emerged in the chaotic post-war landscape. German volunteers, organized similarly to mercenary companies, roamed the battlefields of Eastern Europe. These groups were known in German as Freikorps, that we mentioned briefly before. The Freikorps participated in nearly all the independence struggles within what were formerly the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, though they rarely played a decisive role due to their limited numbers. However, they served as a breeding ground for several future Nazi leaders, including Heinrich Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, Martin Bormann, and Richard Walther Darré.

The Freikorps were not simply mercenaries engaged in Eastern European conflicts. In 1919, they fought on behalf of the government to suppress various uprisings and efforts to establish independent territories within the former German Empire. The most significant of these was the Bavarian Socialist Republic, which lasted about three weeks before being dismantled by thirty thousand Freikorps fighters under the orders of the Republican government. However, by 1920, the situation had shifted. The distinction between the military and the Freikorps had blurred, as many Reichswehr officers also led Freikorps units. These officers viewed their allegiance to the state as a fragile bond, maintained only when their interests coincided with those of the state. For those of you who listen to my Fall and Rise of China Podcast they are very much akin to the private armies during China’s Warlord Era. While the troops are officially part of the KMT National Revolutionary Army aka “NRA”, the federal troops of the nation, many were also being paid by regional warlords, take Feng Yuxiang or Yan Xishan for example. Such troops owed loyalty to a warlord clique and their Nation. 

In early 1920, tensions escalated when the German defense minister, fearing the growing power of the Freikorps, ordered the disbandment of two of their units stationed in Berlin. This decision was met with fierce opposition from General Lüttwitz, a Freikorps commander who refused to disband his men and felt that loyalties to the republic were tenuous at best. Instead of obeying orders, Lüttwitz rallied his forces, believing that the government's attempts to disband these troops threatened the very stability of the nation. In a bold move, Lüttwitz called upon the Freikorps to march on Berlin, igniting what would soon be known as the Kapp Putsch. Just so you are aware, Putsch is a German word that most closely resembles the French term “coup d’état” but has come to most readily bring to mind the failed attempts to overthrow the Weimar Republic in the 1920’s.

On March 10, 1920, thousands of Freikorps soldiers seized control of key government buildings, overpowering police and military resistance. As the Freikorps advanced, chaos spread through the city. The civilian government, led by President Friedrich Ebert, found itself under siege, with officials forced to flee for their lives. Ebert's government sought to maintain order and authority amidst the upheaval. In a desperate attempt to regain control, he called upon the workers of Berlin to initiate a general strike. This call resonated deeply with the people; they understood that if the Freikorps succeeded, their rights and livelihoods would be at risk. Across the city, factories halted production, and trains stopped running. Within days, a wave of solidarity brought the city to a standstill.The general strike took its toll on the Putschists. As they struggled to assert their authority, food shortages and unrest began to wear on their ranks. The Freikorps, despite their military training and discipline, found themselves unable to manage the unyielding opposition from the workers and citizens determined to protect their fledgling democracy.

On March 17, just a week after the rise of the Putsch, the tide shifted dramatically. The coalition of workers, united by their strike, weakened the Freikorps’ grip on the city. Realizing they could not sustain their hold in the face of growing resistance and the collapse of basic services, Lüttwitz and his allies decided to abandon their quest for power. In a hasty retreat, he fled to safety, aided by sympathetic police who had once been sworn to serve the republic. By the end of March 1920, the Ebert government reestablished itself in Berlin, having narrowly escaped a coup that could have thrown the nation into deeper chaos. Though the Putsch ultimately failed, it exposed the fragility of the Weimar Republic and the dangers posed by paramilitary groups like the Freikorps. As the dust settled, the events of the Kapp Putsch served as a stark reminder that democracy was under constant threat in postwar Germany, foreshadowing the larger crises yet to unfold in the years ahead. 

In the aftermath of World War I, a young Austrian named Adolf Hitler was struggling to find his place in a drastically changing world. Having enlisted in the Bavarian Army during the war, he rose to the rank of corporal as a runner. Hitler was wounded twice and was awarded the Iron Cross for bravery, which fueled his sense of nationalism and purpose. As Germany faced defeat in 1918, the Treaty of Versailles imposed harsh reparations and territorial losses, leading to pervasive discontent among the German populace. Disillusioned and angry, Hitler returned to Munich, where he experienced the economic turmoil and rampant inflation that plagued post-war Germany. The once proud nation was now a fractured society, leaving many seeking answers and direction.

In this chaotic environment, Hitler found himself drawn to politics. Initially, he attended meetings of the German Workers' Party “DAP”, a small, nationalist group. His charisma and oratory skills quickly set him apart, and he soon became a prominent figure. By 1919, he was speaking passionately about military glory, national pride, and the perceived betrayal of the German people by the Weimar Republic and its leaders. Hitler's public speaking captivated audiences, and he painted a picture of a Germany that could reclaim its former greatness. In early 1920, the DAP renamed itself the National Socialist German Workers' Party “NSDAP” to emphasize its focus on nationalism and socialism, appealing to the working class. Hitler took on the role of the party's chief propagandist, developing its ideology that combined extreme nationalism, anti-Semitism, and anti-communism.

Throughout 1920, Hitler organized rallies and used propaganda to spread the party's message, emphasizing the need for a strong leader to restore Germany's honor and power. His dedication did not go unnoticed, and in 1921, he became the party's leader, uniting various factions under his strong leadership. He emphasized the idea of the Aryan race as superior, promoting troubling ideologies that would later manifest in dark ways. Despite facing opposition and internal challenges, Hitler's strength as a speaker and his ability to tap into the collective frustration of the people allowed the NSDAP to gain membership and traction. His vision increasingly focused on the idea of creating a national community, which he believed could only be achieved through the exclusion of those he deemed inferior. In the early 1920s, the NSDAP started to gain political influence, winning seats in local elections. Fueled by the economic instability that the Great Depression brought in 1929, the party's popularity soared. Hitler capitalized on the fears and frustrations of the masses, promising solutions to unemployment, poverty, and national humiliation. By joining the NSDAP, Hitler didn’t just become a member; he transformed it into a powerful political force. His leadership style was authoritative, and he demanded unwavering loyalty from his followers. The combination of his mesmerizing speeches, the party's propaganda, and the widespread discontent with the Weimar Republic paved the way for his future ambitions. Hitler had played a minor role in the Kapp Putsch but managed to avoid attention from the authorities. Feeling dissatisfied with the progress made by Gustav Ritter von Kahr in a larger national putsch attempt. Hitler and his followers, known as the Kampfbund, decided to take matters into their own hands in Bavaria.

In November 1923, Hitler, Ludendorff, and the Kampfbund initiated their plan. At this point, Ludendorff fully supported the Nazi party's objectives, having been one of the originators of the “stab in the back” myth crucial to Hitler’s ideology. The "stab in the back" myth had emerged in post-World War I Germany as a narrative to explain the nation's defeat and the perceived betrayal by various groups. Ludendorff, who played a crucial role in the German military strategy during the war, promoted the idea that the German army had not been defeated on the battlefield but had been betrayed by civilians at home, particularly socialists, Jews, and politicians. This belief suggested that these groups were responsible for undermining the war effort, thus contributing to Germany's surrender in November 1918. Ludendorff's promotion of the myth aimed to shift blame away from military leaders and to delegitimize the newly established Weimar Republic. He argued that the German military was still capable of winning the war, having been effective in battles up until the final stages, and that it was the actions of politicians and activists, particularly those advocating for peace negotiations, that led to Germany's capitulation. This narrative resonated strongly with many Germans who were disillusioned by the war's outcome and the harsh conditions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. The myth played a significant role in fostering extreme nationalist sentiments and was embraced by various far-right groups, including the Nazis. Hitler and others used the myth to galvanize support, depicting themselves as defenders of the “stabbed” army and seeking to restore national pride and unity by blaming scapegoats for Germany’s misfortunes. This provided a foundation for antisemitism and helped justify subsequent political actions taken by the Nazi regime.

It was November 8, 1923, a chilly evening in Munich. The streets were alive with chatter as citizens filled local taverns, desperate to escape the harsh realities of their lives. Among these venues was the Bürgerbräukeller, a large beer hall known for its political gatherings. That night, it would host an event that would forever alter the course of German history. Hitler’s NSDAP, orchestrated a plan to seize power in Bavaria using the beer hall as a base of operations. At the time, Hitler believed that the political climate was favorable for a putsch. The government was weak, and various factions were embroiled in conflict; it seemed the perfect moment to strike.As the night wore on, Hitler, along with a cadre of stormtroopers, stormed into the hall where dignitaries were listening to speeches. He raised his gun and declared, “The national revolution has begun!” The proclamation shocked the attendees and created a frantic atmosphere. Among them were influential local leaders like Gustav von Kahr, the state commissioner, and General Otto von Lossow, the head of the army in Bavaria. 

Hitler and his supporters took the key political figures captive, promising them deals that would benefit their interests if they sided with him. Despite the temporary control, Kahr, Lossow, and a third figure, Hans Frank, were not intimidated. Hitler demanded that they submit to him and his new revolutionary government. Kahr and the others refused, leading to the Putsch's unraveling. Hitler’s SA members attempted to secure weapons from local armories but failed to convince the Reichswehr garrison to defect, which put them in a precarious situation. As various crises began to unfold across the city amid his men’s struggles, Hitler left the beer hall to address an issue elsewhere. This decision proved to be a mistake. Ludendorff erred by allowing Kahr to go free after Hitler departed, which enabled Kahr to rally resistance against the Putsch and connect with his supporters. By the end of the first night, it was evident that the Putsch was nearly doomed. Outside the beer hall, news of the putsch spread rapidly, and police forces and military units began mobilizing to restore order. In a desperate bid to consolidate his power, Hitler called for a march through Munich to demonstrate their strength and rally support. As Hitler and his small army of supporters marched, they found that the streets were not devoid of resistance. The local police had positioned themselves to intercept the march outside the Feldherrnhalle, a monument honoring Bavarian soldiers.

On the morning of November 9, 1923, the march reached its climax at the Feldherrnhalle. Thousands of onlookers gathered, some curious, others supportive, but many hostile. The police stood firm in their position, ready to defend the democratic order. The standoff led to a tense confrontation; as Hitler urged his followers to charge, the police opened fire. The sound of gunfire shattered the morning calm as chaos erupted. Several of Hitler's supporters were killed or wounded, and within moments, the coup imploded. Hitler himself was struck in the leg, falling to the ground amidst the pandemonium. Realizing that the putsch had failed, he attempted to flee, but it was too late. The police effectively quashed the attempted coup, capturing or killing many of the insurgents. The aftermath of the Beer Hall Putsch saw Hitler take on a fugitive role. He managed to evade capture initially, blending into the chaotic streets of Munich. However, this period of hiding was short-lived; only a few days later, he was arrested, along with other leaders of the coup.

Hitler was charged with treason, and his trial became a high-profile event that garnered significant media attention. Rather than hiding in shame, he used the platform as an opportunity to air his grievances against the Weimar Republic and express his vision for Germany's future. His articulate speeches captivated many Germans, allowing him to garner sympathy and support. While serving a sentence of five years at Landsberg Prison, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf, outlining his ideology, including themes of nationalism, anti-Semitism, and the concept of Lebensraum, or "living space." He firmly believed that the Aryan race was destined to rule and that the Treaty of Versailles had humiliated Germany. Although he was sentenced to five years, public opinion had shifted considerably by the time he was released after serving only nine months. Rather than being seen as a failed insurgent, he emerged as a national figure promising to restore Germany to its former glory. 

The Beer Hall Putsch was a significant turning point in both Hitler's life and the trajectory of Germany. Although the coup failed, it was instrumental in shaping the narrative that would help cement Hitler's power in the years to come. The putsch illuminated the vulnerabilities of the Weimar Republic and highlighted the growing discontent among the populace. In the years that followed, Hitler and the Nazi Party would work diligently to exploit the political instability and economic despair that plagued Germany. They used propaganda to rewrite the failure of the putsch as a noble attempt to save the nation from the hands of traitors and communists, ultimately transforming their image into that of saviors striving for national unity. The reverberations of the Beer Hall Putsch were felt far beyond its immediate aftermath. It paved the way for the Nazis to gain legitimacy and ultimately seize power in 1933, leading to one of history's darkest chapters, the rise of totalitarianism, brutal repression, and the horror of World War II. 

Now I want to shift back over to the German armed forces. In the 1920s, the Reichswehr was heavily involved in said putsches as well as others, suppressing them, and engaging playfully with the Republican government. When not occupied with these activities, the army focused on upholding a semblance of professionalism within its treaty-restricted forces. The Treaty of Versailles imposed strict limitations on the German military, here is a rough breakdown of said limitations. Germany's army was limited to 100,000 troops, significantly reduced from over 2 million before the war. This restriction aimed to curtail its capacity for large-scale mobilization. The treaty prohibited conscription, meaning that Germany could not draft citizens into military service, further limiting manpower. Germany was forbidden from possessing tanks, aircraft, and submarines. The treaty also restricted the size and armament of its naval forces to a fleet of six battleships. The Rhineland region was demilitarized, preventing German military presence in this strategically important area bordering France. Germany was prohibited from forming military alliances or participating in any future military collaboration that could threaten other countries.

Thus the Germa army was capped at 100,000 personnel, organized into seven infantry divisions and three cavalry divisions, intended to comprise the entire military with no trained reserves. However the state’s maintenance of the Freikorps clearly violated these restrictions, yet the Allies chose to ignore it. The general staff system, a hallmark of the Prussian and German armies since the Napoleonic era, was dismantled. In its place, German generals devised ways to retain the essence of the general staff without the official title. Among these generals, Hans von Seeckt and Walther Reinhardt were particularly influential in this effort. They successfully advocated for a more streamlined general staff system under the War Ministry’s Troop Office, allowing the new army to preserve its leadership and continue the professional development of its officers.

Now the previous podcast focused on the collaboration between the German and Soviet armies and their defense industries during the mid-1920s. This time, we will revisit this cooperation from the German viewpoint. The Soviets sought technical know-how, designs, and manufacturing equipment, while the Germans had different objectives. They were primarily interested in the Soviet Union's vast territory and its isolation from Western allies and their prying eyes. These characteristics provided the Germans with an opportunity to experiment with new concepts and formations without attracting attention to their rearmament efforts. Such experiments would lay the groundwork for mobile warfare tactics in the upcoming conflict.

Something very important to note about the German military at this time. During WW1, Germay engaged the entente powers in the western front, in what became known as trench warfare. WW1 trench warfare was characterized by the extensive use of trenches to protect soldiers from enemy fire and create a static front line. This warfare style emerged in 1914  on the Western Front, where opposing forces dug intricate networks of trenches, stretching from the North Sea to Switzerland. These trenches varied in depth and structure, including frontline, support, and reserve trenches, interconnected by communication trenches. Life in the trenches was harsh and brutal. Soldiers faced constant threats from enemy bombardments, sniper fire, and poison gas attacks, which introduced new horrors to battlefield conditions. They dealt with poor sanitation, mud, vermin, and extreme weather, leading to diseases like trench foot. The psychological toll was immense, as soldiers endured prolonged periods of boredom punctuated by intense periods of combat. Offensive strategies often resulted in heavy casualties due to the fortified nature of enemy positions. Notable battles, such as the Battle of the Somme and the Battle of Verdun, saw millions of soldiers become casualties while making little territorial gains. 

Now while this was almost the exclusive experience for Britain, France, other Entente powers in the western front, Germany als fought in the Eastern front. On the Eastern Front, the conflict did not devolve into trench warfare, as both the German and Russian armies engaged in a war of movement across vast distances. This experience granted the German leadership insights that were not accessible to their trench-bound Western allies. Research on operations in the East concluded that smaller, coordinated forces were more effective in combat than larger, uncoordinated ones. After the war, the Reichswehr expanded and refined its infiltration tactics. Chief Commander Hans von Seeckt noted that there had been too much emphasis on encirclement and highlighted the importance of speed instead. He played a key role in revising the Konzept von Bewegungskrieg “maneuver warfare: and its related Auftragstaktik “mission type tactics”, where commanders communicated their objectives to subordinates while allowing them the freedom to decide how to achieve those goals. The guiding principle was that "the higher the authority, the more general the orders"; it was up to lower levels to provide the necessary details. Executing higher-level orders was still bounded by the training doctrine of an elite officer corps. The delegation of authority to local commanders accelerated the pace of operations, significantly contributing to the success of German forces in the early stages of the war. Emphasizing the Prussian tradition of mobility, Seeckt transformed the German army into a more agile force and championed technological advancements that enhanced its capabilities, improving coordination among motorized infantry, tanks, and aircraft. Thus Germany kind of got the best of both worlds duing WW1 and heavily benefited from their wartime experience.

At the joint training center at Kama, the Reichswehr began testing armored maneuvers and recognized the critical role of radios in conducting these operations. This experience, combined with training exercises and war games held in Germany, contributed to the development of the combined motorized infantry and armor division doctrine. This innovative formation differed significantly from the armored forces of World War I but was still ahead of its time. As early as 1917, there had been some professional literature on this topic, particularly JFC Fuller’s presentations to the American Expeditionary Board, which outlined an early concept of combined arms mechanized cavalry units.

Throughout the 1920s, armies around the world explored the potential of larger armored units, but it remains unclear who originated the concept. What is evident is that the German army was experimenting with this idea at Kama by the late 1920s, although technological and industrial capabilities had not yet caught up with these intellectual pursuits. The exercises at Kama utilized the Leichttraktor, an experimental light tank with various designs produced by different manufacturers. These tanks were basic, even by the era's standards, and were never intended for combat, serving primarily as training vehicles. However, they did introduce integrated radios for tank use. The collaboration at Kama proved to be beneficial, enabling both armies to grasp essential lessons needed for the next war.

During the 1920s, the German army focused more on developing a theory of combined arms mobility than on creating any particular weapon system. They practiced and refined their concept of mobile warfare, where motorized infantry and cavalry would infiltrate deep into enemy territory, through army wargames. The officers aimed to foster a culture of offensive spirit at both tactical and operational levels. This approach contrasted sharply with the French military, which was beginning to adopt a defensive mindset that ultimately led to significant failures in World War II. While both armies had endured the harsh realities of trench warfare, they drew very different conclusions. The First World War taught the French that maintaining a strong, continuous defensive line was nearly impossible to achieve. In contrast, the Germans learned that constant movement was essential to countering the propensity of large armies to become entrenched in positional warfare. These conflicting perspectives arose from extensive debate shaped by each nation's experiences, cultures, and strategic outlooks. Throughout the 1920s, the Reichswehr sought to refine its tactics to align with the nation’s strategic objectives.

The German navy was effectively dismantled following its defeat in 1918. It faced losses in every significant battle, lost all major ships, and was restricted by treaties from even constructing its most effective weapon, the U-boat. During this period, there were two competing ideologies, as was common among European navies. Unlike in the Soviet Union, the German Navy did not have a clear winner among these ideologies. There was no single overarching doctrine guiding acquisitions and tactics. Instead, continuous competition created a fragmented fleet that was never fully committed to any one approach. The commerce raiding school, similar to the Jeune École doctrine discussed in the previous podcast, was further split into two factions: one advocating for heavy surface raiders and the other focusing on U-boats as the primary force. Many key figures throughout the interwar period supported the U-boat faction, with Admiral Hermann Bauer establishing its intellectual groundwork. Eventually, Karl Dönitz emerged as the leading proponent of the U-boat strategy, although his influence over the Navy's direction didn't significantly increase until the 1940s when Hitler sanctioned the Wehrmacht's commitment to submarines as a viable weapon.

The other faction within the commerce raiding school was known as the Kreuzerkrieg, or cruiser war. This concept was exemplified by the construction of the renowned Panzerschiffe in the late 1920s. These vessels were designed from the ground up to be fast, heavily armed commerce raiders capable of entering the Atlantic and beyond, causing disruption to global shipping. Interestingly, the Panzerschiff concept, which was thoroughly modernized, had its origins in the pre-Napoleonic era. The first ships of the US Navy were swift, heavily armed frigates meant to outpace slow ships of the line and target weaker merchant vessels and their escorts, just as the Panzerschiff would do 150 years later. This school of thought dominated German naval doctrine during the interwar years until Admiral Erich Raeder took command of the navy in 1928. Random side note here, over on my personal podcast, Echoes of War me and my co-host ran a 4 part series talking about who we thought were the best and worst Generals, Admirals and Air Commanders of WW2. Just wanted to say for Germany Erich Raeder certainly made the worst list, as he greatly hampered Germany’s U-boat develpment. If some of you listeners are World of Warship players like me, sure we love our Bismarcks, but boy oh boy what a collosal waste of mony for Germany. But I digress. From that point, the navy focused on developing Raeder's favored battleship fleet, reminiscent of the Imperial German Navy. His leadership saw the construction of the Scharnhorst and Bismarck classes and the design of the enormous H-class super battleships. These ambitious designs, some weighing as much as 140,000 tons, represented the ultimate vision of Raeder’s battleship navy.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

In post-World War I Germany, turmoil reigns as societal unrest ignites revolutionary fervor. Amidst political chaos, Hitler rises, promising restoration amidst disillusionment. The failed Beer Hall Putsch marks a turning point, catalyzing his ascent. As the fragile Weimar Republic grapples with internal strife, the Reichswehr evolves, foreshadowing future conflicts.