Eastern Front Prelude #0.7 The Spanish Civil War

Last time we spoke about Soviet Conflicts of the 1930s. In the aftermath of World War I, Germany descended into chaos, setting the stage for Adolf Hitler's rise to power. Seizing on public disillusionment, he dismantled democracy and expanded Germany's territory, straining relations across Europe. Concurrently, Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union embarked on rapid industrialization under the Five-Year Plans, marred by brutal purges that instilled fear among citizens. The intertwining of these authoritarian regimes heightened tensions, leading to conflict throughout the continent. Amidst this turmoil, the Soviets engaged in several key conflicts with neighboring states, particularly in Manchuria, Xinjiang and Finland. Their rivalry with Japan over territories culminated in fierce skirmishes, especially at Lake Khasan and Khalkhin Gol, where the Red Army showcased its capabilities. Ultimately, the political upheavals and territorial ambitions of both Hitler and Stalin set the stage for the global conflict that became World War II, reshaping the world landscape forever.

This episode is Prelude #7 The Spanish Civil War

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Hello again, today we are going to be delving into the Spanish Civil War, an event many came to refer to as the dress rehearsal of WW2. Spain had long been marked by political instability. The monarchy, which had ruled for centuries, faced growing discontent in the early 20th century. The abdication of King Alfonso 13th in 1931 led to the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic. The new government was characterized by its progressive reforms, such as land redistribution, labor rights, and secularization of education. However, this alienated conservative and religious sectors of society, particularly the military, the Catholic Church, and landowners.Spain's social structure was also sharply divided. The rural population, especially in the south, struggled with poverty, illiteracy, and oppressive landlordism. The rise of labor unions and anarchist movements sought to address these inequalities but faced violent repression from the authorities. In urban areas, a burgeoning middle class emerged, advocating for political and economic reforms. The clash between the conservative force defending the status quo and the leftist groups pushing for change created a highly polarized environment.

The 1930s saw the rise of extremist ideologies in Spain. On the left, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party or “PSOE” and anarchist groups like the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo or “CNT” both gained momentum. On the right, factions such as the monarchists, conservative politicians, and fascist movements like the Falange emerged, promoting a return to traditional values and strong centralized authority. This ideological struggle exacerbated existing tensions and laid the groundwork for conflict.

The global economic crisis of the 1930s further strained Spain. Unemployment soared, and agricultural prices plummeted, leading to widespread hardship. The government's attempts to implement reforms and stabilize the economy were met with resistance from conservative factions who feared losing their privileges and power. Economic instability fueled social unrest, causing strikes and protests to become more frequent and violent. Attempts to create a broad-based coalition government in the Republic faced significant challenges. The government switched between various political alignments, leftist coalitions, moderate governments, and power-sharing arrangements, each unable to effectively address the rising tensions. The fragmentation of political parties into competing factions made governance increasingly difficult, leading to a power vacuum that extremist groups exploited. As political tensions escalated, both sides began forming armed militias. The left established groups like the Juventud Socialista and the FAI “Iberian Anarchist Federation”, while the right saw the rise of the Spanish Legion and later, the Carlists. These militias often clashed on the streets, increasing violence and fear among the populace.

In the six years leading up to the Spanish Civil War, which began in 1936, Spain experienced the rule of three military dictators and witnessed one failed revolution. These three were all military men who had been appointed by the King to the office of Prime Minister. All three men had varying degrees of power. The first, Miguel Primo de Rivera, was  a classical dictator who controlled the country for seven years. The second was his successor, Dámaso Berenguer, often described as the toothless dictator. The last man before the establishment of the Republic in 1931 was Juan Bautista Aznar-Cabañas. He had all the potential power of de Rivera, but allowed it to slip away and the republic to form. 

The country was deeply divided along partisan lines, which undermined any sense of national unity. The attempted revolution of 1933 was mainly instigated by extreme left-wing parties in reaction to the electoral success of right-wing politicians. Although this revolution initially gained traction in various regions, it was ultimately suppressed, albeit with some challenges. Many leaders within the Spanish Army began to view the leftist parties as threats to security and stability, fearing they would contribute to the country’s disintegration. This perspective fueled agitation among military and government figures. These agitators did not share a single political ideology; instead, they encompassed a diverse range of right-wing beliefs, including Fascism, Catholic supremacy, and various Monarchist factions. These groups are very broad labels encompassing several distinct philosophies and political movements within themselves. In the context of the Spanish Civil War, the Fascists were probably closer in fashion to the Italians than to the Nazi’s of Hitler. The Catholic supremacists believed in the supremacy of the national church and its role in governing morality and society in conjunction with the monarch. In the Monarchist camp, there were two main movements. The first was the Carlists, who supported the claim of Don Carlos, Count of Molina. The second was the Alfonsists that supported the restoration of the last King, Alfonso 13th.

In the 1936 elections, the left-leaning parties emerged victorious, leading to some unrest. This turmoil was partly caused by their supporters, who celebrated excessively, engaging in acts of burning and looting. The new government faced a difficult choice regarding the restoration of order, as they wanted to avoid appearing to oppress their own supporters. However, they recognized the necessity of military backing both to reestablish order and to govern effectively. Within weeks of the election and the subsequent chaos, a national conspiracy began to take shape.  By the mid-1930s, discontent among the military was palpable, particularly due to perceived leftist policies that threatened traditional military values. A significant group of military officers, including Generals Francisco Franco, Emilio Mola, and José Sanjurjo, began plotting to seize power. Francisco Franco Bahamonde was born on December 4, 1892, in Ferrol, a naval city in northwest Spain. Coming from a military family, he entered the Spanish Army at a young age. He quickly rose through the ranks due to his exceptional capabilities as a soldier and tactician. By the 1920s, Franco had made a name for himself during Spain’s colonial campaigns in Morocco, where he distinguished himself as a ruthless and effective leader of the Spanish Foreign Legion.  Franco was initially appointed to lead the Spanish military in Morocco. 

The conspiracy he took a leading role in was fueled by discontent with the republican government, which they viewed as ineffective and dangerously leftist. The conspirators aimed to initiate a coup that would restore Spain to conservative and monarchist rule. The plan was to coordinate a series of uprisings across the country, with the initial uprising scheduled for July 18, 1936. The conspirators expected immediate military support and a swift victory. However, they encountered various levels of resistance and complexity, significantly complicating their plans.

On July 17, 1936, a military coup began in Spanish Morocco, led by General Juan Yagüe and supported by right-wing groups. Franco’s response was pivotal. He received support from the Army of Africa and used this to launch a substantial military campaign. Franco led a successful landing on the mainland, and unrest spread quickly to other regions, particularly in the north and south of Spain. While some military garrisons were initially successful in their coup attempts, many urban areas and regions aligned with leftist parties, such as Catalonia and Madrid, resisted, resulting in fierce fighting and chaos. As the military rebellion took shape, Spain was fractured into two main factions: the Nationalists, led by Franco and aspiring to establish a fascist government, and the Republicans, comprising various leftist groups, including communists, anarchists, and socialists, who defended the republic.

Within months, hundreds of thousands of volunteers from diverse backgrounds around the globe rushed to fight for both sides. By late 1936, organized military units began to operate within the country. The Germans were the first to provide substantial military aid. This assistance began in the early days of the attempted coup. Starting around July 29th, the newly formed Luftwaffe began ferrying troops and supplies from the Nationalist base in Morocco to areas in Spain under control. Over the next two weeks, they successfully transported at least ten thousand of Franco's finest troops from the Army of Africa, which he had commanded when the war erupted. Although more personnel and equipment were intended to cross the Strait of Gibraltar, most of the small Spanish Navy remained loyal to the Republican Government. To address this, Hitler sent the Panzerschiffs Deutschland and Admiral Scheer to escort Franco’s transports. These ships were formidable, equipped with greater firepower than anything the Spanish Navy could deploy, especially after the defection of its best vessel, the Canarias. The Canarias was a Spanish built version of the Royal Navy’s County class heavy cruisers. She was modified for the needs of the Spanish Navy, but otherwise was similar to her British cousins. However, she was exactly the sort of ship that the Kreigsmarine had in mind as prey when they designed the Panzerschiffs. While the Spanish Navy did possess dreadnoughts, such as the Espana and the Jaime I, these older pre-World War I designs had not been sufficiently modernized and were thus outclassed by the Panzerschiffs. The German cruisers effectively deterred any threats during the initial transfers across the Strait of Gibraltar. Benito Mussolini was keen to join the conflict, seeing it as an opportunity to increase Italy's influence in the Mediterranean and showcase the strength of his military. In the early weeks of the war, he ordered ninety aircraft to be sent to the Nationalist forces, but the delivery took longer than expected. The Luftwaffe’s airlift of Franco’s troops included some Italian pilots flying their own transport planes. Furthermore, additional Italian naval units took part in the ongoing convoy escort missions.

The United Kingdom was apprehensive about the leftist Republican Government, with many of its leaders secretly backing the Nationalist cause. Tensions within the British Empire were already high, and the threat of a civil war in the Mediterranean added to the strain, potentially destabilizing the delicate balance of power in Europe. Consequently, they quickly sought to establish a non-intervention pact among global powers, which required weeks of diplomatic negotiations. Ultimately, the French, Germans, Italians, Soviets, the United States, and smaller nations like Belgium and Czechoslovakia reached a non-intervention agreement, along with the formation of a committee to oversee compliance. However, this turned out to be little more than a façade, as the League of Nations was ineffective at enforcing the agreement. Meanwhile, Hitler and Mussolini capitalized on the inaction of other powers, intensifying their aggressive support for the Nationalists.

As the weeks progressed into months, German and Italian support escalated far beyond what General Franco had initially requested during the early stages of the coup attempt. The Germans established the Condor Legion, equipped with the Luftwaffe's most advanced weaponry. The Ju-52 transport became the backbone of the legion, originally developed from a civilian aircraft designed for passengers and cargo. It was repurposed for military applications and later became one of the most iconic planes used by the Wehrmacht in their campaigns of conquest throughout Europe and Africa. Another Junkers model, the Ju-87 Stuka, also made its debut in the Spanish skies. Heinkel's notorious He-111 was deployed as well, conducting attacks on Republican airfields and terrorizing civilians, particularly in Guernica. The Bombing of Guernica is one of the most infamous military actions of the entire civil war.

The Basque region, seeking autonomy and opposing Franco’s dictatorship, aligned with the Republicans. Guernica, the capital of the Basque Country, thus became a key location due to its political and symbolic significance. On the afternoon of April 26, 1937, the Condor Legion executed an aerial bombing campaign against Guernica. The operation began around 4:30 PM and lasted for several hours. The German air force, under the pretext of supporting Franco’s troops, targeted the town with a combination of high-explosive bombs and incendiary devices. The planes carried out repeated bombing runs, aiming to create chaos and instill terror among the civilian population. The town was largely undefended, with no significant military presence, which made it an easy target. The attack resulted in widespread destruction of buildings, including homes, shops, and the town's historical structures. The use of incendiaries led to fires that consumed large segments of Guernica.

The casualty figures from the bombing vary, with estimates ranging from hundreds to over a thousand civilian deaths. The attack not only caused physical destruction but also left deep psychological scars on the civilian population. Many residents were forced to flee, and the raid led to significant disruption in the local community. The bombing of Guernica shocked the world and garnered international condemnation. It highlighted the devastating impact of modern warfare on civilians and raised awareness about the atrocities committed during the Spanish Civil War. The event served as a vivid example of the moral implications of war tactics and the lengths to which regimes might go to further their objectives. Guernica's bombing inspired powerful artistic responses, most famously Pablo Picasso’s painting "Guernica," created in 1937. The artwork depicts the horror of the bombing and has become an iconic symbol of the tragedies of war, reflecting the suffering and chaos experienced by the victims. Picasso’s work helped bring global attention to the Spanish Civil War, exemplifying how art can influence public perception and political discourse.

The He-111 was not the sole or even the majority type used in the bombing of Guernica, but it is perhaps the most recognizable and serves as a useful stand-in for narrative imagery. Lastly, I should mention the Bf-109 fighter, which would ultimately become the second most produced military aircraft in history, with approximately thirty thousand units manufactured during its production run.

The Bf 109's origins can be traced back to the mid-1930s when the German Air Ministry sought a modern fighter to replace the outdated biplanes in service. In response, Willy Messerschmitt, the chief designer at Bayerische Flugzeugwerke , began designing a sleek, low-wing monoplane with a focus on speed, agility, and firepower. The aircraft's first prototype, the Bf 109 V1, took to the skies in September 1935. It was powered by a Rolls-Royce Kestrel engine, which provided adequate performance for testing. However, the design quickly evolved to incorporate a more powerful engine, leading to the Bf 109 V2 prototype featuring the Junkers Jumo 210 engine. This modification enhanced performance, setting the stage for subsequent variants. By 1937, the Bf 109 entered mass production, with the initial variant being the Bf 109 B. This model was primarily used for training purposes. However, it was the Bf 109 E “Emil”, introduced in 1939, that established the aircraft's reputation as a formidable fighter. Featuring a more powerful Daimler-Benz DB 601 engine and improved armament, including four 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and the option for a 20 mm MG FF cannon, the Bf 109 E became the backbone of the Luftwaffe during the Battle of Britain.

The Condor Legion operated only with a limited number of squadrons of aircraft, but its impact on the war was significant owing to the overall inadequacy of the air forces on both sides. The Republican government had a disjointed assortment of aircraft types from various nations, which hampered the effectiveness of their Air Force, as their logistics, training, and capabilities remained fragmented throughout the conflict. Additionally, the Germans deployed officers from every branch of the Wehrmacht, not only to observe and advise the Nationalist forces but also to learn from their experiences. The Luftwaffe contributed the most to the Condor Legion and, consequently, received the majority of advisory roles. This included leadership positions like that of Field Marshal Hugo Sperrle, who would later be known for his command in defending occupied Europe against the Combined Bomber Offensive.

The main analysis of the combat was led by General Helmuth Wilberg, who was recognized as both a skilled theorist and an effective commander. His staff included several distinguished individuals, such as future Field Marshals and Generals. Lieutenant General Adolf Galland, serving as squadron commander, would ultimately be credited with 104 confirmed kills during the World War. Field Marshal Wolfram von Richthofen held the position of chief of staff before becoming the commander of the legion in Spain, where he gained notoriety for orchestrating the bombing of Guernica. Additionally, General Wilhelm Ritter von Thoma oversaw the small ground combat unit of the Condor Legion.

The ground combat forces of the Condor Legion were relatively small and had minimal impact on the war's outcome. When the Legion was withdrawn, only about four hundred tank crew badges were awarded throughout the entire campaign. However, it’s important to note that there were never four hundred tank crews present at one time in Spain under the Condor Legion. Such a number would have represented a significant contribution, far exceeding what Hitler would have permitted at that time. Four hundred Panzer I tanks would require eight hundred crew members, as each tank needed two, while Panzer II tanks needed three crew members each. This figure doesn’t even account for the personnel required for repairs and maintenance. Ultimately, the support provided by the Condor Legion was overshadowed by the Italian contribution. At its peak, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie had over seven hundred fifty aircraft and seventy-five thousand troops in Spain fighting alongside Franco. The Italians were consistently the strongest supporters of either side during the Spanish Civil War, actively working to secure Franco’s victory. This was mostly because Mussolini was an ardent supporter of Franco, unlike Hitler who saw the Civil War as means to distract the Western Democracies from his own buildup and preparations for conquering Europe. 

On the flip side, the Republicans faced difficulties in securing support from other countries. The French provided a few aircraft initially, but further assistance was halted due to political tensions in Paris. Meanwhile, the British and Americans remained committed to the non-intervention pact. Volunteers from around the globe offered their help, though they supplied minimal material support. Although the Soviet Union formally agreed to the non-intervention policy, it also sent substantial aid to the Republican forces discreetly. Stalin navigated a delicate situation by openly disregarding the agreement while attempting to maintain diplomatic relations with France and Britain to counter Hitler's influence. By October 1936, Stalin appointed Yan Berzin to lead the Red Army's small yet expanding advisory mission in Spain. Berzin, a high-ranking military intelligence officer, reflects the nature of Stalin's strategy, as a general was not chosen for the role. At this time, one of the main concerns was the internal security of the military. The generals of the Red Army were wary of overseas engagements that involved independent military commands and the potential for interacting with politically unreliable foreigners. Stalin was in the early stages of his great purge, and Berzin himself would become a victim of it in 1937.

The Soviets insisted that the Republican forces cover the costs for the equipment being sent to them, leading to the transfer of the country's gold reserves to Moscow. This transfer was officially for safekeeping, but the reality was different. The Soviets tapped into these reserves to finance the equipment, applying exchange rates that primarily benefited Moscow. In contrast, the Germans and Italians provided most of their assistance either at no cost or in exchange for future concessions, which Franco was eager to grant. In the final months of 1936, the Soviet Union significantly increased its support by sending a substantial amount of equipment and personnel to Spain. Although exact figures are challenging to determine, during those early months, Soviet contributions far surpassed those of the Fascist dictators. However, this disparity did not last, and the Soviet Union would later fall behind in its support. The aid provided to the Republicans was of mixed quality. Some of the equipment was exceptional, outperforming much of the aid from Germany and Italy. The Soviet T-26 tank is a prime example, consistently outperforming its Nationalist counterparts. In the air, however, the situation was more complex. Initially, the Polikarpov I-16 excelled against the first Fascist fighters, the Heinkel He-51 and Arado Ar-68. Yet, these biplanes were outdated, and the newer Messerschmitt Bf-109s posed a serious challenge to the bulky Polikarpov. In total, the Republicans received approximately 680 planes from the Soviet Union and manufactured an additional 250 using Soviet designs.

The Soviet Union's contributions fluctuated annually, influenced by political dynamics in Moscow as Stalin executed his purges and expressed concerns about alienating potential allies. By 1938, Stalin was believed to have recognized that a Republican victory would likely lead to the Soviet Union's isolation from Europe, resulting in the future Allies collaborating with Hitler and Mussolini to bolster the anti-Comintern pact. Regardless of whether this outcome was genuinely probable, it’s significant that Stalin adapted his policies in response to these perceived threats.

One of the enduring myths about foreign involvement in the Spanish Civil War is that it served as a testing ground for the combined arms strategies that would eventually be employed in World War II. This misconception crumbles under thorough scrutiny. The military strategies employed in the Spanish Civil War were not as advanced or organized as those that emerged in World War II. The Nationalists and Republicans struggled with command structure, logistics, and coordination. The concept of combined arms, integrating infantry, armor, artillery, and air support was never fully realized in Spain. Units often operated in isolation, and the effective coordination between different branches was limited. The ideological nature of the conflict shifted military priorities significantly. Both sides were more focused on achieving political objectives than on developing cohesive military strategies. This ideological fervor overshadowed the operational needs of warfare and hindered the systematic integration of tactics.

While the Spanish Civil War saw the introduction of aircraft, tanks, and other military technology, the operational tactics to utilize these technologies effectively were not fully developed. The Germans tested their Luftwaffe tactics during the conflict, but the overall technological environment of the Spanish Civil War was rudimentary compared to the massive industrial war mechanisms seen in WWII. The strategies and doctrines developed in Spain were specific to the context of the conflict. For example, the use of tanks was often hampered by difficult terrain and the lack of a coherent combined arms doctrine, leading to a reliance on infantry tactics instead. Likewise, the lessons learned from the Spanish Civil War were more or less ignored by major powers once World War II commenced. Instead, military planners in various countries, particularly Germany, evolved their tactics independently.

At no point did either side possess a sufficient number of tanks to form the mass maneuver units that characterized the French and German armored divisions of 1940. Moreover, the notion of Blitzkrieg was never an official doctrine of the Wehrmacht. General Franco did not align well with the Wehrmacht's ideal of a commanding officer; he was methodical, slow, and overly engrossed in political and diplomatic matters compared to the more decisive and insular German officer corps. Consequently, German officers of the Heer offered him minimal support and sometimes even campaigned against him with Hitler. The Republican forces lacked the discipline and unified command present in the Red Army, which was effectively utilized in the latter years of World War II. They also faced the internal strife from various political factions that disrupted operations in Spain and continued to affect the war effort.

Overall, neither the German Heer nor the Red Army showed much interest in the conflict in Spain. Many prominent figures considered it at best a distraction and at worst a potential threat to their careers. The NKVD was extremely active in Spain in this period. They were led by Colonel Orlov. He helped initiate the Great Purge in the military mission to Spain in 1937, only to become a victim of the purge himself. He fled to the United States, where he lived until his death in 1973. While in charge of the NKVD in Spain he conducted a terror campaign to filter out any suspected Trotskyites within the ranks of the Soviet military mission and the Republican forces. As a result, the lessons learned were primarily technical assessments of the equipment deployed in comparison to that of possible adversaries. Both Stalin and Hitler were careful to limit their military involvement in the war, recognizing it as a political risk and a potential drain on their land forces. They believed a larger war was imminent in Europe, and Spain's outcome would not significantly affect that situation. However, wasting thousands of tanks and aircraft while the Army was attempting to expand could derail those preparations, potentially impacting the outcome of any future conflict.

As for the military events that made up the Spanish Civil War. By July of 1936, the Nationalists quickly gained control of large swathes of Spain, particularly in the north and west. They captured important urban centers, including Toledo and Salamanca. Upon gaining control of key territories, Franco consolidated power and established a military junta known as the National Defense Board. Simultaneously, the Republicans organized resistance. They quickly formed militias composed of anarchists, communists, and socialists, aiming to counteract the coup. International Brigades, composed of volunteers from various countries, arrived to support the Republican cause, emphasizing the ideological significance of the conflict.

After initial successes, the Nationalists turned their attention to Madrid, hoping to capture the capital to decisively end the conflict. The siege began in November 1936, and Republican forces mounted a staunch defense of the city, leading to intense urban warfare. The Nationalists employed heavy artillery and air support, using the German Condor Legion which bombed civilian targets, such as Guernica in April 1937, which we highlighted. The Battle of Madrid showcased the resilience of the Republicans, who managed to hold off the Nationalist advance despite facing severe shortages and internal conflict among their ranks. Ultimately, the siege would last until March 1937, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. Following the failure to take Madrid, Nationalist forces launched an offensive at Jarama Valley to cut off Republican access to Madrid. The Battle of Jarama was marked by ferocious fighting, including trench warfare reminiscent of World War I. Republican troops managed to hold their ground, allowing for strategic withdrawals and regrouping despite losing thousands of soldiers in the process. In March, Nationalist forces attempted to seize Guadalajara but were met with unexpected resistance from the International Brigades and Spanish Republican troops. The Republicans executed an effective counter-attack, leading to a significant Nationalist defeat and showcasing the ability of the Republican side to rebound in key moments.

The Nationalists next targeted northern regions of Spain, where Basque and Asturian provinces were undergoing heavy industrial development and had significant strategic resources. The Battle of Bilbao and the subsequent fall of the Basque Country, alongside the sieges of cities like Santander, resulted in the loss of critical territory for the Republicans.In late 1937, Republicans launched an offensive to recapture Teruel, which was ultimately successful but left both sides depleted. The Nationalists counterattacked in early 1938 in a campaign to encircle Republicans, leading to the significant Francoist victory in the critical Ebro River Region. In the summer of 1938, Republicans initiated a major offensive along the Ebro River, striving to regain momentum and secure vital territory. The Nationalists responded with effective military tactics, ultimately leading to the encirclement and decimation of Republican forces. This battle culminated in the Republicans’ retreat, signifying a turning point toward Nationalist dominance. By early 1939, the Republican position had become increasingly untenable. Nationalist forces launched successful offensives capturing cities like Barcelona and advancing into the heart of Republican-held territory. On April 1, 1939, Franco declared victory, leading to a dictatorship that would last until his death in 1975. Yeah, 1975, it always shocks me to remember how long he maintained power.

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The Spanish Civil war quickly devolved into what basically was a proxy war between numerous great powers. For various reasons many nations got involved to different degrees and this ultimately led Franco to emerge victorious. Meanwhile it also showcased the might of certain nations like Germany.