The Eastern Front Week by Week

Last time we spoke about Soviet Conflicts of the 1930s. In the aftermath of World War I, Germany descended into chaos, setting the stage for Adolf Hitler's rise to power. Seizing on public disillusionment, he dismantled democracy and expanded Germany's territory, straining relations across Europe. Concurrently, Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union embarked on rapid industrialization under the Five-Year Plans, marred by brutal purges that instilled fear among citizens. The intertwining of these authoritarian regimes heightened tensions, leading to conflict throughout the continent. Amidst this turmoil, the Soviets engaged in several key conflicts with neighboring states, particularly in Manchuria, Xinjiang and Finland. Their rivalry with Japan over territories culminated in fierce skirmishes, especially at Lake Khasan and Khalkhin Gol, where the Red Army showcased its capabilities. Ultimately, the political upheavals and territorial ambitions of both Hitler and Stalin set the stage for the global conflict that became World War II, reshaping the world landscape forever.

This episode is Prelude #7 The Spanish Civil War

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Hello again, today we are going to be delving into the Spanish Civil War, an event many came to refer to as the dress rehearsal of WW2. Spain had long been marked by political instability. The monarchy, which had ruled for centuries, faced growing discontent in the early 20th century. The abdication of King Alfonso 13th in 1931 led to the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic. The new government was characterized by its progressive reforms, such as land redistribution, labor rights, and secularization of education. However, this alienated conservative and religious sectors of society, particularly the military, the Catholic Church, and landowners.Spain's social structure was also sharply divided. The rural population, especially in the south, struggled with poverty, illiteracy, and oppressive landlordism. The rise of labor unions and anarchist movements sought to address these inequalities but faced violent repression from the authorities. In urban areas, a burgeoning middle class emerged, advocating for political and economic reforms. The clash between the conservative force defending the status quo and the leftist groups pushing for change created a highly polarized environment.

The 1930s saw the rise of extremist ideologies in Spain. On the left, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party or “PSOE” and anarchist groups like the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo or “CNT” both gained momentum. On the right, factions such as the monarchists, conservative politicians, and fascist movements like the Falange emerged, promoting a return to traditional values and strong centralized authority. This ideological struggle exacerbated existing tensions and laid the groundwork for conflict.

The global economic crisis of the 1930s further strained Spain. Unemployment soared, and agricultural prices plummeted, leading to widespread hardship. The government's attempts to implement reforms and stabilize the economy were met with resistance from conservative factions who feared losing their privileges and power. Economic instability fueled social unrest, causing strikes and protests to become more frequent and violent. Attempts to create a broad-based coalition government in the Republic faced significant challenges. The government switched between various political alignments, leftist coalitions, moderate governments, and power-sharing arrangements, each unable to effectively address the rising tensions. The fragmentation of political parties into competing factions made governance increasingly difficult, leading to a power vacuum that extremist groups exploited. As political tensions escalated, both sides began forming armed militias. The left established groups like the Juventud Socialista and the FAI “Iberian Anarchist Federation”, while the right saw the rise of the Spanish Legion and later, the Carlists. These militias often clashed on the streets, increasing violence and fear among the populace.

In the six years leading up to the Spanish Civil War, which began in 1936, Spain experienced the rule of three military dictators and witnessed one failed revolution. These three were all military men who had been appointed by the King to the office of Prime Minister. All three men had varying degrees of power. The first, Miguel Primo de Rivera, was  a classical dictator who controlled the country for seven years. The second was his successor, Dámaso Berenguer, often described as the toothless dictator. The last man before the establishment of the Republic in 1931 was Juan Bautista Aznar-Cabañas. He had all the potential power of de Rivera, but allowed it to slip away and the republic to form. 

The country was deeply divided along partisan lines, which undermined any sense of national unity. The attempted revolution of 1933 was mainly instigated by extreme left-wing parties in reaction to the electoral success of right-wing politicians. Although this revolution initially gained traction in various regions, it was ultimately suppressed, albeit with some challenges. Many leaders within the Spanish Army began to view the leftist parties as threats to security and stability, fearing they would contribute to the country’s disintegration. This perspective fueled agitation among military and government figures. These agitators did not share a single political ideology; instead, they encompassed a diverse range of right-wing beliefs, including Fascism, Catholic supremacy, and various Monarchist factions. These groups are very broad labels encompassing several distinct philosophies and political movements within themselves. In the context of the Spanish Civil War, the Fascists were probably closer in fashion to the Italians than to the Nazi’s of Hitler. The Catholic supremacists believed in the supremacy of the national church and its role in governing morality and society in conjunction with the monarch. In the Monarchist camp, there were two main movements. The first was the Carlists, who supported the claim of Don Carlos, Count of Molina. The second was the Alfonsists that supported the restoration of the last King, Alfonso 13th.

In the 1936 elections, the left-leaning parties emerged victorious, leading to some unrest. This turmoil was partly caused by their supporters, who celebrated excessively, engaging in acts of burning and looting. The new government faced a difficult choice regarding the restoration of order, as they wanted to avoid appearing to oppress their own supporters. However, they recognized the necessity of military backing both to reestablish order and to govern effectively. Within weeks of the election and the subsequent chaos, a national conspiracy began to take shape.  By the mid-1930s, discontent among the military was palpable, particularly due to perceived leftist policies that threatened traditional military values. A significant group of military officers, including Generals Francisco Franco, Emilio Mola, and José Sanjurjo, began plotting to seize power. Francisco Franco Bahamonde was born on December 4, 1892, in Ferrol, a naval city in northwest Spain. Coming from a military family, he entered the Spanish Army at a young age. He quickly rose through the ranks due to his exceptional capabilities as a soldier and tactician. By the 1920s, Franco had made a name for himself during Spain’s colonial campaigns in Morocco, where he distinguished himself as a ruthless and effective leader of the Spanish Foreign Legion.  Franco was initially appointed to lead the Spanish military in Morocco. 

The conspiracy he took a leading role in was fueled by discontent with the republican government, which they viewed as ineffective and dangerously leftist. The conspirators aimed to initiate a coup that would restore Spain to conservative and monarchist rule. The plan was to coordinate a series of uprisings across the country, with the initial uprising scheduled for July 18, 1936. The conspirators expected immediate military support and a swift victory. However, they encountered various levels of resistance and complexity, significantly complicating their plans.

On July 17, 1936, a military coup began in Spanish Morocco, led by General Juan Yagüe and supported by right-wing groups. Franco’s response was pivotal. He received support from the Army of Africa and used this to launch a substantial military campaign. Franco led a successful landing on the mainland, and unrest spread quickly to other regions, particularly in the north and south of Spain. While some military garrisons were initially successful in their coup attempts, many urban areas and regions aligned with leftist parties, such as Catalonia and Madrid, resisted, resulting in fierce fighting and chaos. As the military rebellion took shape, Spain was fractured into two main factions: the Nationalists, led by Franco and aspiring to establish a fascist government, and the Republicans, comprising various leftist groups, including communists, anarchists, and socialists, who defended the republic.

Within months, hundreds of thousands of volunteers from diverse backgrounds around the globe rushed to fight for both sides. By late 1936, organized military units began to operate within the country. The Germans were the first to provide substantial military aid. This assistance began in the early days of the attempted coup. Starting around July 29th, the newly formed Luftwaffe began ferrying troops and supplies from the Nationalist base in Morocco to areas in Spain under control. Over the next two weeks, they successfully transported at least ten thousand of Franco's finest troops from the Army of Africa, which he had commanded when the war erupted. Although more personnel and equipment were intended to cross the Strait of Gibraltar, most of the small Spanish Navy remained loyal to the Republican Government. To address this, Hitler sent the Panzerschiffs Deutschland and Admiral Scheer to escort Franco’s transports. These ships were formidable, equipped with greater firepower than anything the Spanish Navy could deploy, especially after the defection of its best vessel, the Canarias. The Canarias was a Spanish built version of the Royal Navy’s County class heavy cruisers. She was modified for the needs of the Spanish Navy, but otherwise was similar to her British cousins. However, she was exactly the sort of ship that the Kreigsmarine had in mind as prey when they designed the Panzerschiffs. While the Spanish Navy did possess dreadnoughts, such as the Espana and the Jaime I, these older pre-World War I designs had not been sufficiently modernized and were thus outclassed by the Panzerschiffs. The German cruisers effectively deterred any threats during the initial transfers across the Strait of Gibraltar. Benito Mussolini was keen to join the conflict, seeing it as an opportunity to increase Italy's influence in the Mediterranean and showcase the strength of his military. In the early weeks of the war, he ordered ninety aircraft to be sent to the Nationalist forces, but the delivery took longer than expected. The Luftwaffe’s airlift of Franco’s troops included some Italian pilots flying their own transport planes. Furthermore, additional Italian naval units took part in the ongoing convoy escort missions.

The United Kingdom was apprehensive about the leftist Republican Government, with many of its leaders secretly backing the Nationalist cause. Tensions within the British Empire were already high, and the threat of a civil war in the Mediterranean added to the strain, potentially destabilizing the delicate balance of power in Europe. Consequently, they quickly sought to establish a non-intervention pact among global powers, which required weeks of diplomatic negotiations. Ultimately, the French, Germans, Italians, Soviets, the United States, and smaller nations like Belgium and Czechoslovakia reached a non-intervention agreement, along with the formation of a committee to oversee compliance. However, this turned out to be little more than a façade, as the League of Nations was ineffective at enforcing the agreement. Meanwhile, Hitler and Mussolini capitalized on the inaction of other powers, intensifying their aggressive support for the Nationalists.

As the weeks progressed into months, German and Italian support escalated far beyond what General Franco had initially requested during the early stages of the coup attempt. The Germans established the Condor Legion, equipped with the Luftwaffe's most advanced weaponry. The Ju-52 transport became the backbone of the legion, originally developed from a civilian aircraft designed for passengers and cargo. It was repurposed for military applications and later became one of the most iconic planes used by the Wehrmacht in their campaigns of conquest throughout Europe and Africa. Another Junkers model, the Ju-87 Stuka, also made its debut in the Spanish skies. Heinkel's notorious He-111 was deployed as well, conducting attacks on Republican airfields and terrorizing civilians, particularly in Guernica. The Bombing of Guernica is one of the most infamous military actions of the entire civil war.

The Basque region, seeking autonomy and opposing Franco’s dictatorship, aligned with the Republicans. Guernica, the capital of the Basque Country, thus became a key location due to its political and symbolic significance. On the afternoon of April 26, 1937, the Condor Legion executed an aerial bombing campaign against Guernica. The operation began around 4:30 PM and lasted for several hours. The German air force, under the pretext of supporting Franco’s troops, targeted the town with a combination of high-explosive bombs and incendiary devices. The planes carried out repeated bombing runs, aiming to create chaos and instill terror among the civilian population. The town was largely undefended, with no significant military presence, which made it an easy target. The attack resulted in widespread destruction of buildings, including homes, shops, and the town's historical structures. The use of incendiaries led to fires that consumed large segments of Guernica.

The casualty figures from the bombing vary, with estimates ranging from hundreds to over a thousand civilian deaths. The attack not only caused physical destruction but also left deep psychological scars on the civilian population. Many residents were forced to flee, and the raid led to significant disruption in the local community. The bombing of Guernica shocked the world and garnered international condemnation. It highlighted the devastating impact of modern warfare on civilians and raised awareness about the atrocities committed during the Spanish Civil War. The event served as a vivid example of the moral implications of war tactics and the lengths to which regimes might go to further their objectives. Guernica's bombing inspired powerful artistic responses, most famously Pablo Picasso’s painting "Guernica," created in 1937. The artwork depicts the horror of the bombing and has become an iconic symbol of the tragedies of war, reflecting the suffering and chaos experienced by the victims. Picasso’s work helped bring global attention to the Spanish Civil War, exemplifying how art can influence public perception and political discourse.

The He-111 was not the sole or even the majority type used in the bombing of Guernica, but it is perhaps the most recognizable and serves as a useful stand-in for narrative imagery. Lastly, I should mention the Bf-109 fighter, which would ultimately become the second most produced military aircraft in history, with approximately thirty thousand units manufactured during its production run.

The Bf 109's origins can be traced back to the mid-1930s when the German Air Ministry sought a modern fighter to replace the outdated biplanes in service. In response, Willy Messerschmitt, the chief designer at Bayerische Flugzeugwerke , began designing a sleek, low-wing monoplane with a focus on speed, agility, and firepower. The aircraft's first prototype, the Bf 109 V1, took to the skies in September 1935. It was powered by a Rolls-Royce Kestrel engine, which provided adequate performance for testing. However, the design quickly evolved to incorporate a more powerful engine, leading to the Bf 109 V2 prototype featuring the Junkers Jumo 210 engine. This modification enhanced performance, setting the stage for subsequent variants. By 1937, the Bf 109 entered mass production, with the initial variant being the Bf 109 B. This model was primarily used for training purposes. However, it was the Bf 109 E “Emil”, introduced in 1939, that established the aircraft's reputation as a formidable fighter. Featuring a more powerful Daimler-Benz DB 601 engine and improved armament, including four 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and the option for a 20 mm MG FF cannon, the Bf 109 E became the backbone of the Luftwaffe during the Battle of Britain.

The Condor Legion operated only with a limited number of squadrons of aircraft, but its impact on the war was significant owing to the overall inadequacy of the air forces on both sides. The Republican government had a disjointed assortment of aircraft types from various nations, which hampered the effectiveness of their Air Force, as their logistics, training, and capabilities remained fragmented throughout the conflict. Additionally, the Germans deployed officers from every branch of the Wehrmacht, not only to observe and advise the Nationalist forces but also to learn from their experiences. The Luftwaffe contributed the most to the Condor Legion and, consequently, received the majority of advisory roles. This included leadership positions like that of Field Marshal Hugo Sperrle, who would later be known for his command in defending occupied Europe against the Combined Bomber Offensive.

The main analysis of the combat was led by General Helmuth Wilberg, who was recognized as both a skilled theorist and an effective commander. His staff included several distinguished individuals, such as future Field Marshals and Generals. Lieutenant General Adolf Galland, serving as squadron commander, would ultimately be credited with 104 confirmed kills during the World War. Field Marshal Wolfram von Richthofen held the position of chief of staff before becoming the commander of the legion in Spain, where he gained notoriety for orchestrating the bombing of Guernica. Additionally, General Wilhelm Ritter von Thoma oversaw the small ground combat unit of the Condor Legion.

The ground combat forces of the Condor Legion were relatively small and had minimal impact on the war's outcome. When the Legion was withdrawn, only about four hundred tank crew badges were awarded throughout the entire campaign. However, it’s important to note that there were never four hundred tank crews present at one time in Spain under the Condor Legion. Such a number would have represented a significant contribution, far exceeding what Hitler would have permitted at that time. Four hundred Panzer I tanks would require eight hundred crew members, as each tank needed two, while Panzer II tanks needed three crew members each. This figure doesn’t even account for the personnel required for repairs and maintenance. Ultimately, the support provided by the Condor Legion was overshadowed by the Italian contribution. At its peak, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie had over seven hundred fifty aircraft and seventy-five thousand troops in Spain fighting alongside Franco. The Italians were consistently the strongest supporters of either side during the Spanish Civil War, actively working to secure Franco’s victory. This was mostly because Mussolini was an ardent supporter of Franco, unlike Hitler who saw the Civil War as means to distract the Western Democracies from his own buildup and preparations for conquering Europe. 

On the flip side, the Republicans faced difficulties in securing support from other countries. The French provided a few aircraft initially, but further assistance was halted due to political tensions in Paris. Meanwhile, the British and Americans remained committed to the non-intervention pact. Volunteers from around the globe offered their help, though they supplied minimal material support. Although the Soviet Union formally agreed to the non-intervention policy, it also sent substantial aid to the Republican forces discreetly. Stalin navigated a delicate situation by openly disregarding the agreement while attempting to maintain diplomatic relations with France and Britain to counter Hitler's influence. By October 1936, Stalin appointed Yan Berzin to lead the Red Army's small yet expanding advisory mission in Spain. Berzin, a high-ranking military intelligence officer, reflects the nature of Stalin's strategy, as a general was not chosen for the role. At this time, one of the main concerns was the internal security of the military. The generals of the Red Army were wary of overseas engagements that involved independent military commands and the potential for interacting with politically unreliable foreigners. Stalin was in the early stages of his great purge, and Berzin himself would become a victim of it in 1937.

The Soviets insisted that the Republican forces cover the costs for the equipment being sent to them, leading to the transfer of the country's gold reserves to Moscow. This transfer was officially for safekeeping, but the reality was different. The Soviets tapped into these reserves to finance the equipment, applying exchange rates that primarily benefited Moscow. In contrast, the Germans and Italians provided most of their assistance either at no cost or in exchange for future concessions, which Franco was eager to grant. In the final months of 1936, the Soviet Union significantly increased its support by sending a substantial amount of equipment and personnel to Spain. Although exact figures are challenging to determine, during those early months, Soviet contributions far surpassed those of the Fascist dictators. However, this disparity did not last, and the Soviet Union would later fall behind in its support. The aid provided to the Republicans was of mixed quality. Some of the equipment was exceptional, outperforming much of the aid from Germany and Italy. The Soviet T-26 tank is a prime example, consistently outperforming its Nationalist counterparts. In the air, however, the situation was more complex. Initially, the Polikarpov I-16 excelled against the first Fascist fighters, the Heinkel He-51 and Arado Ar-68. Yet, these biplanes were outdated, and the newer Messerschmitt Bf-109s posed a serious challenge to the bulky Polikarpov. In total, the Republicans received approximately 680 planes from the Soviet Union and manufactured an additional 250 using Soviet designs.

The Soviet Union's contributions fluctuated annually, influenced by political dynamics in Moscow as Stalin executed his purges and expressed concerns about alienating potential allies. By 1938, Stalin was believed to have recognized that a Republican victory would likely lead to the Soviet Union's isolation from Europe, resulting in the future Allies collaborating with Hitler and Mussolini to bolster the anti-Comintern pact. Regardless of whether this outcome was genuinely probable, it’s significant that Stalin adapted his policies in response to these perceived threats.

One of the enduring myths about foreign involvement in the Spanish Civil War is that it served as a testing ground for the combined arms strategies that would eventually be employed in World War II. This misconception crumbles under thorough scrutiny. The military strategies employed in the Spanish Civil War were not as advanced or organized as those that emerged in World War II. The Nationalists and Republicans struggled with command structure, logistics, and coordination. The concept of combined arms, integrating infantry, armor, artillery, and air support was never fully realized in Spain. Units often operated in isolation, and the effective coordination between different branches was limited. The ideological nature of the conflict shifted military priorities significantly. Both sides were more focused on achieving political objectives than on developing cohesive military strategies. This ideological fervor overshadowed the operational needs of warfare and hindered the systematic integration of tactics.

While the Spanish Civil War saw the introduction of aircraft, tanks, and other military technology, the operational tactics to utilize these technologies effectively were not fully developed. The Germans tested their Luftwaffe tactics during the conflict, but the overall technological environment of the Spanish Civil War was rudimentary compared to the massive industrial war mechanisms seen in WWII. The strategies and doctrines developed in Spain were specific to the context of the conflict. For example, the use of tanks was often hampered by difficult terrain and the lack of a coherent combined arms doctrine, leading to a reliance on infantry tactics instead. Likewise, the lessons learned from the Spanish Civil War were more or less ignored by major powers once World War II commenced. Instead, military planners in various countries, particularly Germany, evolved their tactics independently.

At no point did either side possess a sufficient number of tanks to form the mass maneuver units that characterized the French and German armored divisions of 1940. Moreover, the notion of Blitzkrieg was never an official doctrine of the Wehrmacht. General Franco did not align well with the Wehrmacht's ideal of a commanding officer; he was methodical, slow, and overly engrossed in political and diplomatic matters compared to the more decisive and insular German officer corps. Consequently, German officers of the Heer offered him minimal support and sometimes even campaigned against him with Hitler. The Republican forces lacked the discipline and unified command present in the Red Army, which was effectively utilized in the latter years of World War II. They also faced the internal strife from various political factions that disrupted operations in Spain and continued to affect the war effort.

Overall, neither the German Heer nor the Red Army showed much interest in the conflict in Spain. Many prominent figures considered it at best a distraction and at worst a potential threat to their careers. The NKVD was extremely active in Spain in this period. They were led by Colonel Orlov. He helped initiate the Great Purge in the military mission to Spain in 1937, only to become a victim of the purge himself. He fled to the United States, where he lived until his death in 1973. While in charge of the NKVD in Spain he conducted a terror campaign to filter out any suspected Trotskyites within the ranks of the Soviet military mission and the Republican forces. As a result, the lessons learned were primarily technical assessments of the equipment deployed in comparison to that of possible adversaries. Both Stalin and Hitler were careful to limit their military involvement in the war, recognizing it as a political risk and a potential drain on their land forces. They believed a larger war was imminent in Europe, and Spain's outcome would not significantly affect that situation. However, wasting thousands of tanks and aircraft while the Army was attempting to expand could derail those preparations, potentially impacting the outcome of any future conflict.

As for the military events that made up the Spanish Civil War. By July of 1936, the Nationalists quickly gained control of large swathes of Spain, particularly in the north and west. They captured important urban centers, including Toledo and Salamanca. Upon gaining control of key territories, Franco consolidated power and established a military junta known as the National Defense Board. Simultaneously, the Republicans organized resistance. They quickly formed militias composed of anarchists, communists, and socialists, aiming to counteract the coup. International Brigades, composed of volunteers from various countries, arrived to support the Republican cause, emphasizing the ideological significance of the conflict.

After initial successes, the Nationalists turned their attention to Madrid, hoping to capture the capital to decisively end the conflict. The siege began in November 1936, and Republican forces mounted a staunch defense of the city, leading to intense urban warfare. The Nationalists employed heavy artillery and air support, using the German Condor Legion which bombed civilian targets, such as Guernica in April 1937, which we highlighted. The Battle of Madrid showcased the resilience of the Republicans, who managed to hold off the Nationalist advance despite facing severe shortages and internal conflict among their ranks. Ultimately, the siege would last until March 1937, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. Following the failure to take Madrid, Nationalist forces launched an offensive at Jarama Valley to cut off Republican access to Madrid. The Battle of Jarama was marked by ferocious fighting, including trench warfare reminiscent of World War I. Republican troops managed to hold their ground, allowing for strategic withdrawals and regrouping despite losing thousands of soldiers in the process. In March, Nationalist forces attempted to seize Guadalajara but were met with unexpected resistance from the International Brigades and Spanish Republican troops. The Republicans executed an effective counter-attack, leading to a significant Nationalist defeat and showcasing the ability of the Republican side to rebound in key moments.

The Nationalists next targeted northern regions of Spain, where Basque and Asturian provinces were undergoing heavy industrial development and had significant strategic resources. The Battle of Bilbao and the subsequent fall of the Basque Country, alongside the sieges of cities like Santander, resulted in the loss of critical territory for the Republicans.In late 1937, Republicans launched an offensive to recapture Teruel, which was ultimately successful but left both sides depleted. The Nationalists counterattacked in early 1938 in a campaign to encircle Republicans, leading to the significant Francoist victory in the critical Ebro River Region. In the summer of 1938, Republicans initiated a major offensive along the Ebro River, striving to regain momentum and secure vital territory. The Nationalists responded with effective military tactics, ultimately leading to the encirclement and decimation of Republican forces. This battle culminated in the Republicans’ retreat, signifying a turning point toward Nationalist dominance. By early 1939, the Republican position had become increasingly untenable. Nationalist forces launched successful offensives capturing cities like Barcelona and advancing into the heart of Republican-held territory. On April 1, 1939, Franco declared victory, leading to a dictatorship that would last until his death in 1975. Yeah, 1975, it always shocks me to remember how long he maintained power.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

The Spanish Civil war quickly devolved into what basically was a proxy war between numerous great powers. For various reasons many nations got involved to different degrees and this ultimately led Franco to emerge victorious. Meanwhile it also showcased the might of certain nations like Germany.

Last time we spoke about Stalin’s Purges. In the aftermath of World War I, Germany faced chaos and despair, giving rise to Adolf Hitler, who capitalized on public disillusionment. The Weimar Republic struggled amid economic turmoil, while Hitler's National Socialist Party gained traction, ultimately leading to his appointment as Chancellor in 1933. He enacted measures that dismantled democracy and aggressively expanded Germany's territory, laying the groundwork for future conflict. Simultaneously, Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union embarked on rapid industrialization through ambitious Five-Year Plans, aiming to transform agriculture and boost heavy industry. However, this progress was overshadowed by brutal purges designed to eliminate dissent. As Stalin solidified his power, the repression created a climate of fear within society.The actions of both regimes intensified tensions throughout Europe, setting the stage for impending conflict. This interplay of political upheaval and authoritarian control in Germany and the USSR would play a crucial role in the escalation to World War II.

This episode is Prelude #6 Soviet Conflicts of the 1930s

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Today we are going to be exploring major conflicts the Soviet Union ran into with her neighbors. Ironically the vast majority of this episode is actually wars that I covered in the Fall and Rise of China Podcast such as the Sino-Soviet War, Xinjiang Wars, Mukden Incident and border skirmishes in Manchuria. If you want a much more in depth look at any of those check them out.

The Soviets were engaged in the Far East from the early days of the civil war, continuing a long-standing tradition of East-West interactions that have persisted through Eastern Europe for over a thousand years. In 1920, Mongolia was occupied by White forces, remaining under their control until 1924, when Soviet troops successfully defeated them. This victory was only achieved with the support of local guerrillas led by Damdin Sükhbaatar, who became one of the founding figures of the Mongolian People’s Republic. This event decisively aligned Mongolia with Moscow, which would have significant implications for future conflicts with China and Japan. 

The Empires of Japan and Russia had come into conflict, competing for influence over Manchuria. After coming out of isolation in the latter part of the 19th century, Japan developed a strong interest in Manchuria. This region was rich in natural resources such as coal and iron, as well as fertile land, all of which Japan lacked. It also offered additional space for Japan's rapidly growing population. Moreover, Japan was concerned that Russian expansion into Manchuria would threaten its interests in Korea and, by extension, Japan itself. As Yamagata Aritomo famously said, “Korea is a dagger aimed at the heart of Japan.” 

Then in 1899 the Boxer Rebellion broke out seeing Japan and Russia join a 8 nation alliance to combat the Qing Dynasty in league with the Boxers. While they were technically allies, Japan was very wary of Russia at this time. That is because Russia had invaded Manchuria for the war effort and after the Boxer Rebellion was quelled, well the Russians did not go home. Thus in 1904 this led to the Russo-Japanese War. In February 1904, Japan launched a surprise attack on the Russian fleet at Port Arthur, initiating the war. The conflict quickly escalated, with Japan demonstrating its naval superiority and effective military strategies. Major battles, such as the Siege of Port Arthur and the Battle of Tsushima, showcased Japan's modernized forces and naval strength, leading to significant Russian losses. Despite being a major European power, Russia faced logistical challenges and underestimation of Japanese capabilities. Japan's victories not only shocked the world but also shifted the balance of power in East Asia. Internationally, the conflict drew attention, leading to US President Theodore Roosevelt's intervention in negotiations. The war concluded with the Treaty of Portsmouth in September 1905, brokered by Roosevelt. Japan gained recognition as a formidable military power, acquiring territories such as Korea and parts of Manchuria, which significantly altered the political landscape of Asia. However it was truly a pyrrhic victory for Japan. Both nations lost insane numbers of men and funds. For Russia it led to the revolution that collapsed her empire. For Japan, they felt Roosevelt had cheated them from the rewards of their victory and led them to war against the US by 1941. 

In the 1920s, Manchuria was a crucial area for both the Chinese Nationalist government and the Soviet Union, following the collapse of the Qing Dynasty and the subsequent power struggles among warlords. Zhang Zuolin, a prominent warlord, had considerable control over the region and was seen as a threat to Soviet interests, especially after he signed an agreement with Japan. The Soviet Union aimed to safeguard its borders and influence in the region, particularly in the face of potential Japanese aggression. The Soviet Union, feeling threatened by Zhang's increasing ties with Japan, sought to undermine his authority. Conflict emerged over the management of the CER, a vital railway for both Soviet and Chinese interests. The Soviet Union had previously promised to return control of the CER to China, as per the 1924 agreement. However, the implementation of this promise was complicated by competing interests. The Soviets aimed to maintain a certain level of influence over the railway, fearing the escalation of Chinese control would weaken their grip on Manchuria. 

Then Zhang Zuolin was assassinated on June 4th of 1928 by Kwantung Army operatives. Actually it’s a murky story, but there is a possibility the KGB was also involved. Regardless the Japanese sought his death to install a more pro-Japanese Chinese general they had been grooming called Yang Yutin. However, the assassination plot was leaked to Zhang Xueliang, the son of Zhang Zuolin. The Young Marshal became the new leader and firmly joined forces with Chiang Kai-Shek’s new Nationalist Government. Basically the entire thing totally backfired on the Japanese. One of the first things Zhang Xueliang took notice of as a leader was the precarious situation with the CER. In 1929, the Northeastern Army, under Zhang Xueliang, attempted to reassert Chinese control over the CER, leading to heightened tensions with the Soviets, who were keen on retaining joint control. The situation escalated when Chinese authorities seized Soviet officials associated with the railway, prompting a strong Soviet military response.

In response to these provocations, the Soviet Union mobilized a large military force, with approximately 156,000 troops, marking it as one of the largest deployments since the Russian Civil War. The conflict officially began on August 17, 1929, with the Soviet attack on Chalainor. Although the Soviets faced initial setbacks, they quickly regrouped and developed a strategy to encircle and neutralize Chinese resistance. The Soviets implemented a series of carefully coordinated military operations, including naval strategies that involved advancing their fleets up important rivers, capturing strategic locations like Lahasusu, and executing a two-phase attack to undermine Chinese ground forces. Their efforts culminated in several victories, showcasing the reformed Red Army's capabilities.

By late November 1929, after sustained military pressure and strategic maneuvers, the Chinese forces were substantially weakened and demoralized. On December 13, a treaty known as the Khabarovsk Protocol was signed, which reaffirmed Soviet control over the CER but also indicated a return to the status quo based on the earlier treaties. The Soviet Union effectively regained control of the railway after having demonstrated military prowess and diplomatic maneuvering. The conflict revealed the vulnerabilities within the Chinese military command and highlighted the Soviets' willingness to use both diplomacy and military force. The Soviet victory bolstered communist propaganda and demonstrated the USSR's contemporary military capabilities, influencing perceptions in the West regarding Soviet power and strategy.

Taking a side step from Manchuria for a moment, the Soviets also shared a border with China at Xinjiang. In the early 1930s, Xinjiang was officially recognized as a province of China but had largely operated autonomously for many years. In 1930, Sheng Shicai served as the military governor under the Kuomintang government in Xinjiang. However, he was not the sole authority and faced competition from other power players. Following a clash with these rivals, he sought assistance from the Soviet Government, which provided substantial military supplies and financial support. In exchange, Sheng relinquished direct control over the province's economic and military affairs to Soviet administrators, effectively establishing Xinjiang as a client state of the USSR, even though it remained a province of the Chinese Nationalist government. The Soviets periodically intervened to reinforce their influence whenever they perceived it was diminishing. In 1934, they dispatched 7,000 troops across the border to assist Sheng in repelling an attempt by Nationalist warlords to oust him. This effort only partially succeeded, leading to a division of Xinjiang, with Sheng retaining authority over a segment of the province. This fragile arrangement persisted until 1937. In April of that year, Uighurs in the southern region of Sheng's control revolted, receiving unofficial support from the "New 36th Division," a semi-autonomous group within the Kuomintang. This division had been engaged in conflict against the Soviets and their puppet governor since Sheng's rise to power in 1933. The Kuomintang never officially acknowledged the division's actions to avoid straining relations with the USSR, especially since they relied heavily on Soviet military assistance following the onset of the Second Sino-Japanese War in July. Lacking formal support, both the rebels and the New 36th Division could only resist for a few months, and by October, they had been defeated. Sheng Shicai regained complete control of Xinjiang, where he would remain until 1944, when his duplicity with both the Soviets and the Kuomintang led to his dismissal from office. That was a gross oversimplification of a region with multiple groups fighting for dominance that I can’t possibly get into in this podcast. However on the Fall and Rise of China Podcast there is a multi part series on it. Its honestly batshit insane, that one. 

Now back over in Manchuria the Japanese had been planning a seizure of Manchuria for quite some time. The invasion of Manchuria was triggered by the Mukden Incident on September 18, 1931. Japanese military personnel staged a bombing near Mukden, claiming Chinese forces were responsible. This incident provided a pretext for the Kwantung Army, a faction of the Japanese military stationed in Manchuria, to launch a full-scale invasion. Ignoring orders from the civilian government in Tokyo to withdraw, the army moved quickly and occupied large portions of Manchuria. The invasion met minimal resistance from Chinese military forces, who were preoccupied with internal strife and did not effectively counter the Japanese advance. By February 1932, the Japanese had captured key cities such as Harbin and Dalian. To legitimize its control, Japan established a puppet state called Manchukuo in March 1932, placing the last Qing emperor, Puyi, on the throne as a figurehead. This puppet regime was intended to portray Japan's occupation as a civilizing mission, emphasizing economic development and stability, but was largely viewed as an illegitimate occupation by the international community. The international response to the invasion was limited. The League of Nations condemned Japan's actions, leading to Japan's withdrawal from the organization in 1933. China appealed for assistance but received little meaningful support from Western powers, who were preoccupied with their own economic problems during the Great Depression. Meanwhile, Japan continued to fortify its military presence in Manchuria and exploited its resources, establishing factories and railroads to benefit its war machine.

Moscow viewed this as a blatant power grab by the Japanese. In one swift action, the Soviets found themselves outmaneuvered. Just months earlier, they had the opportunity to seize Manchuria but opted for a strategy of soft power instead. As a result, their control over the crucial Chinese Eastern Railway became insignificant. The Japanese now held dominion over the entire region. Stalin recognized that the Red Army was ill-prepared to respond to this development. The new circumstances in Manchuria signified that merely rearming was insufficient; defensive structures were erected along the new border, and strategies were devised to defend against potential Japanese incursions while also preparing for an invasion of Manchuria. Mongolia grew increasingly aligned with the Soviet Union, and mutual assistance agreements were publicly established. Eventually, Stalin instructed a strengthening of relations with the Nationalist Chinese government, culminating in a non-aggression pact signed in 1937. While this agreement alleviated some tensions between the USSR and China, the Japanese remained unyielding. By 1938, the frequency of border clashes between the Soviets and the Japanese began to escalate.

Despite the issues in the Far East, Stalin's Great Purge was escalating simultaneously. Thousands of officers were removed from their positions, with many being executed. Among the most notable was Marshal of the Soviet Union Mikhail Tukhachevsky, who had been a key figure in the Red Army's leadership for over a decade. These executions severely impacted the command-and-control capabilities of the Red Army. The military command in the Far East, known as the Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army and led by the now-Marshal Vasily Blyukher, was particularly affected by these purges. General Genrikh Lyushkov, the NKVD commander under Marshal Blyukher, was the main orchestrator of this purge in the east. By June, Lyushkov feared he would soon be purged himself, prompting him to defect to the Japanese Army. He brought with him a wealth of classified documents revealing the Red Army's positioning in the east, along with insights into the vulnerabilities in the command structure following the purge. Lyushkov would be held captive in Japanese territory for the rest of the war. He eventually remarried and resigned himself to living in Japan. He disappeared from the record in 1945 during the retreat at Dalian in Manchuria. It is unclear if he was executed by his Japanese captors, killed by Soviet troops, or just lost in the mayhem of the retreating forces. The Soviet government's response to this situation remains somewhat ambiguous. However, it is known that the command of border units was reorganized and new troops were sent to the region. In the days following Lyushkov's defection, Marshal Blyukher was summoned to Moscow, presumably to receive an official reprimand from Stalin. Although he was not immediately arrested, the NKVD increased their scrutiny of him.

On July 6, 1938, the Japanese Kwantung Army intercepted a message from the Soviet commander in the Posyet region to Soviet headquarters in Khabarovsk. The message proposed that Soviet soldiers secure unoccupied high ground west of Lake Khasan, particularly the contested Changkufeng Heights, to gain a strategic advantage overlooking the Korean port of Rajin and key railways connecting Korea to Manchuria. In the following two weeks, small groups of Soviet border troops moved into the area to fortify the mountain with emplacements, observation trenches, and communication facilities. This triggered Japanese forces to begin moving into the area around Lake Khasan in July 1938, ostensibly to secure their position after a border incident and to claim territory they believed rightfully belonged to them. The Soviet command responded swiftly, deploying troops to the region to reinforce border defenses.

The Soviet forces were composed largely of the 39th Special Corps, which included infantry and mechanized units, as well as cavalry. The commander of the Soviet forces, Vasily Blyukher, was tasked with defending the region against the Japanese incursions. On the other hand, the Japanese forces, primarily consisting of troops from the Kwantung Army, were well-trained and motivated, seeking to assert their dominance in the region. Initially, the fighting involved skirmishes and artillery exchanges as both sides engaged in probing attacks. The Japanese used their superior infantry tactics and artillery to capture strategic positions. However, the Soviet forces, well entrenched and supported by artillery and tank units, mounted a considerable defense.

The major engagement occurred between August 1 and August 3, 1938, when the Japanese launched a large-scale offensive aimed at breaking through Soviet lines. The battles saw intense hand-to-hand combat, and the Soviet troops held their ground despite being outnumbered in certain sectors. Soviet counterattacks were initiated, and heavy fighting ensued around strategic points such as the heights overlooking Lake Khasan. As the battle dragged on, the Soviet side received reinforcements, allowing them to consolidate their defense. The fighting resulted in heavy casualties for both sides, with estimates of Soviet losses ranging from 500 to 1,000 troops, while Japanese casualties were reported to be higher, at around 2,000. By August 11, after several weeks of fighting, the situation began to stabilize. The Soviet command made the decision to continue holding their positions rather than pushing for further territorial gains. The battle ended with the two sides agreeing to a ceasefire. The front lines were re-established at Lake Khasan, and the status quo was maintained, but the tensions remained unresolved.

Back in 1936 the Soviet Union had entered into a Mutual Assistance Pact with Mongolia, allowing Soviet troops to be stationed in Mongolia to protect against potential Japanese aggression. In 1939, Japan had accumulated significant military forces in Manchukuo, the most notable of which was the Kwantung Army, considered one of Japan's most elite military units. On May 11, 1939, a small Mongolian cavalry unit ventured into a disputed area seeking grazing land. The Japanese responded quickly and forcefully, engaging in a series of skirmishes.The conflict began with only a few dozen cavalrymen from each side but rapidly escalated to involve several hundred soldiers, tanks, and artillery. In June, General Georgy Zhukov was appointed to lead the 57th Rifle Corps, arriving with considerable resources and additional troops. In response, the Kwantung Army fortified their positions. This led to thousands of soldiers being engaged on both sides. General Zhukov was acutely aware that his career and likely his life were at stake.

General Georgy Zhukov began to mobilize his forces, bringing in armored divisions and increasing troop numbers in the area significantly. On May 14, Lt. Colonel Yaozo Azuma led several regiments to drive the Mongols away but faced support from the Red Army. Azuma's forces suffered 63% casualties, a devastating blow. By June, the battle had significantly intensified, with Japan deploying 30,000 troops to the region. The Soviets sent Zhukov along with motorized and armored units to counter them. Lacking effective armored divisions, the Imperial Japanese Army used air forces to target the nearby Soviet airbase at Tamsakbulak. In July, the IJA confronted the Red Army with nearly 100 tanks and tankettes, while Zhukov unleashed a force of 450 tanks and armored vehicles. The Japanese had superior infantry support, but the Soviet armor managed to encircle and defeat them. The two armies skirmished for weeks, with the Japanese believing the Soviets would face logistical challenges. However, Zhukov organized a fleet of 2,600 trucks to supply his forces, an impressive feat. Both sides sustained heavy casualties, and in August, global politics began to shift, indicating an impending war in Europe. Zhukov was ordered to take decisive action, as the Soviets could not engage in a two-front war. Consequently, Zhukov mobilized a fleet of 4,000 trucks to transport supplies from Chita to the front alongside an armada of tanks and mechanized brigades. The Soviets deployed three rifle divisions, two tank divisions, and two tank brigades, nearly 500 tanks in total, along with two motorized infantry divisions and 550 fighters and bombers.

The stalemate was broken when Zhukov unleashed his forces, sending approximately 50,000 Soviets and Mongols to assault the east bank of Khalkhin Gol. The Japanese were immediately pinned down as the Soviets executed a double envelopment maneuver. Subsequent Japanese counterattacks failed miserably, and their attempts to break out of encirclement were unsuccessful. The surrounded Japanese troops resisted surrender as the Soviets bombarded them with artillery and aerial strikes. By the end of August, the Japanese forces on the Mongolian side of the border had been annihilated. A ceasefire was signed between the USSR and Japan on September 15.

The battle of Khalkhin Gol was catastrophic for both sides. The Japanese reported 8,440 dead, 8,766 wounded, and losses of 162 aircraft and 42 tanks, with an estimated 500-600 Japanese troops taken prisoner, who were classified as killed in action due to IJA doctrine. Some sources suggest that actual Japanese casualties could have reached as high as 30,000. The Soviets reported 9,703 deaths, 15,251 wounded, and the destruction of 253 tanks, 250 aircraft, 96 artillery pieces, and 133 armored cars. Of the tank losses, it is estimated that 75-80% were destroyed by anti-tank guns, 15-20% by field artillery, 5-10% by incendiary bombs thrown by infantry, 3% by mines, and another 3% through aircraft bombardment. The implications of this battle were pivotal. The defeat led to major reforms in the Japanese military, shifting focus toward enhancing mechanized and armored capabilities due to the lessons learned from the underperformance of their troops against the Soviets. On the Soviet side, this conflict reinforced the rising prominence of General Zhukov, who would later become a key figure during World War II.

Now we have spent all this time talking about conflict in the east, but there would also be one in the west. Britain and France had been trying to negotiate a military alliance with the Soviet Union to protect Poland before the Nazi dictator launched his attack on the nation. By August 1939, these discussions were about to fall apart. As General Zhukov oversaw the final phases of the Battle of Khalkhin-Gol, German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was secretly meeting with Stalin to persuade the Soviet Union to reach an agreement with Germany. This agreement was finalized on August 23, resulting in the division of Poland between Stalin and Hitler, while the Baltic nations, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Finland, fell under the Soviet sphere of influence, giving Stalin unfettered control over these countries.

Following the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact on August 23, 1939, both countries agreed to not interfere in each other's spheres of influence and to divide Eastern Europe between them. Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939. The German Wehrmacht employed the Blitzkrieg strategy, which emphasized rapid attacks combining air power, armor, and infantry forces to overwhelm opponents quickly. The attack began early in the morning with bombing raids on Warsaw and other key cities, crippling Polish military communications and infrastructure. In the early hours, German forces crossed the Polish borders from multiple directions. They invaded from the west, north, and south, with considerable speed and efficiency. By using fast-moving armored units and coordinating them with air support, they achieved significant ground gains, quickly encircling and isolating Polish resistance. Poland, despite having a military force that was brave and determined, was significantly outmatched. The Polish strategy relied on static defenses and a hope for international assistance from France and Britain. However, while they declared war on Germany on September 3, support was slow to materialize, and logistical issues plagued the Polish forces. The Polish Army was not prepared for the speed of the German onslaught or the tactics employed, which led to disarray and confusion among its ranks.

On September 17, 1939, as Germany was finishing its conquest of western Poland, the Soviet Union invaded Poland from the east. Taking advantage of Poland's weakened state, the Red Army advanced across the border with the justification of protecting the Ukrainian and Belarusian minorities in Poland. The operation was swift and strategically planned, mirroring the German tactics of encirclement. The Polish government, caught in a pincer movement, had little recourse. The Soviet invasion further complicated their ability to resist as they were forced to fight on two fronts without adequate support. The Soviet forces captured the eastern territories, and Polish troops were taken prisoner or forced to retreat to Romania and other neighboring countries.

The swift offensives resulted in the rapid collapse of Polish resistance. By October 6, 1939, major organized Polish military resistance ceased, leading to the division of Poland as outlined in the secret protocol of the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Germany gained control over western Poland, while the Soviets annexed the eastern regions, including parts of present-day Ukraine and Belarus. The occupation was brutal, characterized by significant repression. The Nazi regime implemented harsh policies involving the persecution of Polish Jews and the intelligentsia, deportations, and systematic annihilation in what would become the Holocaust. The Soviet occupation was also marked by political repression, including mass arrests, executions, and deportations of Polish citizens to Siberian gulags. The invasion of Poland in 1939 had profound long-term implications. It not only led to the displacement and suffering of millions but also firmly established the patterns of totalitarian rule in both occupied territories. The events served as a precursor to the extreme atrocities and war crimes that would unfold over the next six years. It also highlighted the failure of international alliances and the inadequacies of the League of Nations in deterring aggression.

Initially, the Soviets sought to leverage the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact to negotiate with the Baltic states. Finland was asked to relinquish rights and territory around the Gulf of Finland and some northern islands in exchange for concessions in Karelia. However, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia received no such offers. Consequently, these smaller nations were quickly pressured into complying with Soviet demands. The Finns, however, resisted and turned down the Soviet proposals. Finland and the Soviet Union had long-standing territorial disputes, particularly regarding the border areas. The Soviet Union demanded that Finland cede territory, specifically parts of Karelia and the strategic port of Hanko, in exchange for land elsewhere. Finland, valuing its sovereignty and territorial integrity, rejected these ultimatums. This diplomatic impasse heightened tensions, setting the stage for war. On November 30, 1939, the Soviet Union launched a massive offensive against Finland, citing the need to protect its borders from potential threats. The Soviet military, expecting a swift victory due to its overwhelming numerical superiority and modern equipment, initiated an invasion across the border. The Soviet Union deployed around 450,000 troops against approximately 150,000 Finnish defenders. Despite being significantly outnumbered, the Finnish forces, comprised largely of regular military personnel and reservists, were well-prepared for defense. Finnish soldiers were familiar with the challenging winter terrain, utilizing knowledge of their homeland to their advantage. They employed guerilla tactics, including mobility and the element of surprise, against the larger Soviet force. The Finnish Army was also equipped with skis and snowmobiles, enabling rapid movement across the snow-covered landscape.

One of the pivotal encounters of the war was the battle of Suomussalmi, fought between December 7, 1939, and January 8, 1940. Finnish troops, though greatly outnumbered, executed a brilliantly coordinated attack, managing to encircle and defeat a larger Soviet contingent. The victory boosted Finnish morale and showcased the effectiveness of their military strategy.The battle of Raate Road took place from January 1 to 7, 1940, and involved the remnants of the Soviet 163rd Division. Finnish forces, utilizing their knowledge of the terrain, executed a surprise ambush along the Raate Road, resulting in the encirclement and destruction of a significant part of the Soviet troops. Occurring from January to March 1940,  the battle of Vuosalmi was marked by intense fighting in the Karelian Isthmus. Finnish troops employed defensive positions and fortified lines. Despite Soviet attempts to breach these defenses, Finnish forces held firm, demonstrating resilience against overwhelming odds.

The Soviet invasion faced numerous challenges, including harsh winter conditions, poor logistical planning, and lack of familiarity with the terrain. Troops poorly equipped for winter warfare suffered from frostbite and supply issues, leading to disarray within their ranks. Additionally, Soviet military tactics were outdated and overly reliant on massed infantry assaults, which were ineffective against the well-organized Finnish defenses. Despite fierce resistance, the tide of the conflict began to turn in favor of the Soviets by February 1940, as they gradually adjusted their tactics, employing more effective armored and aerial units. However, they faced significant attrition, and progress was slow. The war concluded on March 13, 1940, with the signing of the Moscow Peace Treaty. The treaty resulted in Finland ceding approximately 11% of its territory to the Soviet Union, including parts of Karelia and the vital city of Viipuri. However, Finland retained its independence and a large portion of its territory, marking a significant achievement against a vastly superior adversary.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

In the aftermath of World War I, chaos in Germany birthed Hitler’s rise, while Stalin's purges gripped the USSR. As Hitler expanded territory and repressed dissent, the Soviets industrialized through brutal measures. Their escalating tensions foreshadowed the cataclysm of World War II, igniting conflicts across Europe and Asia.

Last time we spoke about the Wehrmacht. In the tumultuous aftermath of World War I, Germany faced chaos and despair. The Weimar Republic, promising democracy and reform, struggled amid food shortages and inflation, leading to unrest. Amidst this turmoil, Adolf Hitler emerged, captivating those disillusioned by the republic’s failures. His initial coup attempt in 1923 failed, but through a trial transformed him into a national figure. As economic conditions deteriorated, Hitler’s National Socialist German Workers' Party gained traction, exploiting the desperate populace’s need for hope. By 1933, clever political maneuvers led to his appointment as Chancellor. Soon after, the Reichstag Fire allowed him to enact measures that suspended civil liberties and dismantled democracy. With military rearmament plans in motion, Hitler defied international treaties, expanding aggressively into territories like the Rhineland and Austria. By 1938, emboldened by perceived weaknesses from Western powers, he seized the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia, setting in motion a series of conquests that would plunge Europe into World War II.

This episode is Prelude #5 Stalin’s Purges

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Over the past episodes we basically covered how World War One dramatically changed Germany and the nations that made up the Soviet Union. The Russian empire certainly underwent a dramatic amount of change in a very short period of time. But even prior to the Revolution, there were significant efforts to enhance industrial capacity within the Tsar’s Empire. These initiatives often faced challenges from established social interests and a shortage of capital. Just as conditions began to improve, World War One erupted, ultimately leading to the Empire’s collapse. Lenin aimed to transform society while boosting the production capabilities of the nascent USSR. However, this endeavor was hindered by infighting among the party elite and the ongoing civil war. Stalin, aware of the frailties in Soviet industry before he assumed power, was determined to address these issues once he solidified his leadership of the party and the nation. He initiated a series of programs inspired by an earlier proposal from Trotsky, which came to be known as the Five-Year Plans. The initiatives were to be supported by the full strength of Stalin's emerging terror regime, with the initial purges aimed at eliminating dissidents and those considered politically unreliable from the central planning committee. 

Joseph Stalin's First Five-Year Plan, launched in 1928, aimed to transform the Soviet Union from an agrarian society into an industrial superpower. The plan emphasized rapid industrialization, particularly in heavy industries such as steel, coal, and machinery, to increase production and modernize the economy. Key components of the plan included collectivization of agriculture, which sought to consolidate individual farms into large, state-controlled enterprises. This move aimed to boost agricultural output and supply food for the growing urban workforce. However, the policy faced significant resistance from peasants, leading to widespread hardship, famine, and social unrest. The plan set ambitious production targets, often unrealistic, and relied heavily on central planning. The Soviet government mobilized resources through state control, labor camps, and harsh measures to enforce compliance. The propaganda machine promoted achievements, showcasing progress through grandiose claims of output increases.

In 1929, the program was expanded to include the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture. By the end of 1932, the targets of the plan were claimed to have been achieved. While the Soviet Union had undoubtedly made significant strides in industrial capacity, numerous sacrifices were made to accomplish these objectives. The subsequent famine was attributed to the plan's failures in sustaining agricultural production effectively. Millions perished during this famine, yet Stalin touted his achievements. The USSR reported increases in coal production by 84%, oil by 90%, steel by 37%, and electricity by an astonishing 168%. These enhancements laid the groundwork for the capacity the Soviet Union depended on in the approaching war, a fact that Stalin emphasized even then.

Joseph Stalin's Second Five-Year Plan, which ran from 1932 to 1937, aimed to further develop the Soviet economy through rapid industrialization and collectivization of agriculture. Building on the foundation laid by the First Five-Year Plan, the second plan focused on modernizing various sectors, particularly heavy industry, steel production, and infrastructure. One of the plan's notable achievements was the dramatic increase in steel production, which rose by nearly 200% during this period. This was a significant improvement compared to the 37% increase achieved in the First Five-Year Plan. The plan also prioritized the production of machinery, vehicles, and consumer goods, though the latter was often neglected in favor of heavy industry. In agriculture, the collectivization efforts intensified, leading to the consolidation of individual farms into large, state-managed collectives. This shift aimed to increase efficiency and output but resulted in widespread resistance from peasants, leading to harsh reprisals and significant social disruption. Overall agricultural output grew more slowly than expected; for instance, while oil production expanded by 90% during the first plan, it only rose by about 37% in the second.

The Second Five-Year Plan was marked by ambitious goals and significant successes, but it also faced challenges such as bureaucratic inefficiencies, planning difficulties, and harsh working conditions. Despite these issues, the industrial base established during this period played a crucial role in enabling the Soviet Union to withstand the early years of World War II. Consequently, while the plan's achievements contributed to the USSR's transformation into an industrial power, the social and economic costs were significant, highlighting the complexities of Stalin's policies during this critical era in Soviet history. Without the production capacity developed during these years, it is questionable whether the Soviet Union could have endured the early phases of World War II. The country had the geographical natural defenses and manpower reserves that allowed the Red Army to sustain millions of casualties. However, it was the industrial foundation established by these plans that enabled the Soviet Union to re-equip the Red Army after the devastating losses of 1941. While we cannot rigorously speculate about an alternate history where Germany emerged victorious, it is clear that the significance of the five-year plans on the upcoming war cannot be overstated.

The driving force behind the Five-Year plans was not only political determination but also technical expertise, which needed to be sourced from abroad. Engineers and businesspeople from Germany, France, Britain, and the United States were invited to enter contracts for factory construction. They also provided the Soviet government with licenses for designs encompassing everything from tractors to lathes to diesel engines. By 1930, a total of 104 technical assistance contracts had been established, with most focusing on metallurgical and chemical technologies, vital components of a modern economy. Alongside know-how, procuring actual equipment was essential. In 1932, the Soviet Union imported about 90% of the machinery exported from the UK. A Cleveland engineering firm even designed and constructed a large steel plant in Magnitogorsk to compete with the renowned US Steel facility in Gary, Indiana. This capacity to acquire equipment, designs, and technical support from international sources was pivotal to the industrial growth outlined in the Five-Year plans.

In 1930, the Red Army was still grappling with growing pains and uncertainty among its leadership. A modernization initiative had been launched in 1928, but progress had been sluggish, partly due to the dire condition of the nation’s industry. The Five-Year Plans aimed to address this issue. As the first plan reached maturity, Adolf Hitler ascended to power in Germany, making no secret of his disdain for the Soviet Union. One has to look no further than Adolf Hitler's “Mein Kampf”, written during his imprisonment in 1924. The document basically outlined his political ideology and future plans for Germany. His views on communism, Slavs, and the Soviet Union are central themes in this work, reflecting his extremism and legitimizing his later policies. Hitler regarded communism as a significant threat to Germany and Western civilization. He associated communism with Jewish influence, portraying it as a conspiracy led by Jewish intellectuals aiming to undermine national and racial identities. He believed that communism would lead to societal decay and chaos, promoting the idea that it had already caused destruction in Russia. Hitler viewed the 1917 Russian Revolution, which established a Bolshevik regime, as a manifestation of this threat, interpreting it as both an ideological and racially motivated assault on the so-called Aryan race. He dismissed communism as a "parasitic entity" that fed on social unrest and economic instability. For Hitler, the struggle against communism was also a struggle for the survival of the Aryan race, and he stressed the need for a unified, racially pure nation to combat it.

Hitler's attitudes towards Slavs were deeply rooted in his racist ideology. In his worldview, Slavs were considered inferior races, specifically deemed subhuman compared to the Aryan ideal. He expressed contempt for Slavic culture and advocated for their subjugation, believing they were unworthy of self-determination. This notion was tied to his belief in the need for Lebensraum “living space” for the German people, which he argued could be acquired at the expense of Slavic populations. Hitler asserted that Slavic nations, particularly those in Eastern Europe, were obstacles to German expansion and should be displaced or exterminated to provide land for German settlers. His perspective was heavily influenced by a Darwinian view of racial struggle, where he saw the displacement of Slavs as a necessary step in ensuring the survival and dominance of the Aryan race.

Hitler's view of the Soviet Union was complex. On one hand, he admired the early revolutionary zeal of the Bolsheviks and their ability to fundamentally change society, but he saw their success as a threat that needed to be eradicated. He believed that the Soviet Union represented the epitome of the communist menace, being the first and most influential communist state. He advocated for aggressive expansion into Soviet territory, viewing it as both a military necessity and a means to obtain resources and land. Hitler also anticipated a future conflict with the Soviet Union, which he described as inevitable. He argued that the defeat of communism could only come through military conquest. So yeah, doesn't take a genius to see Hitler was no friend to the USSR. It became apparent to the leadership in both nations that war was looming, although neither was yet prepared for it. In response, Stalin ordered a shift in industrial focus towards armaments production. Although modernization efforts had been in motion since at least 1930, they were conducted covertly to maintain a façade during the League of Nations’ ongoing disarmament discussions. The Soviet Union actively participated in these talks, requiring them to present budgets that indicated stable armament expenditures. They created misleading public budgets that satisfied the talk's requirements while concealing actual spending that was three times greater than the figures disclosed. Following Hitler’s rise, the Red Army announced an even more extensive rearmament initiative.

The core of these budgets was allocated to the production of vast quantities of equipment. Soviet weapon production outpaced that of the Western allies by nearly three to one. A significant aspect of this production surge was the increased funding for weapon development. Between 1930 and 1939, no fewer than sixteen tank designs were introduced and adopted. In comparison, the British developed twelve designs, five of which were created in 1938. The French adopted eleven designs, while the Germans and Americans produced only five each. During this period, the Germans manufactured four designs in substantial numbers, but only two served as a foundation for further development. The Panzers III and IV continued to evolve through various improved versions, but neither could rival the T-34 or KV-1. The KV-1 tank, was a heavy tank, named after the Soviet People's Commissar Kliment Voroshilov “KV”. Development began around 1937 when Soviet military planners recognized the need for a heavily armored tank that could withstand fire from German anti-tank guns. The initial designs were led by engineer Joseph K. Kotin at the Kirov Factory in Leningrad. The KV-1 was characterized by its thick armor, particularly its 75mm frontal armor, which provided exceptional protection against the standard weaponry of the day. The tank's design was influenced by the more mobile and less heavily armored T-34, which was developed concurrently. While the T-34 focused on mobility and firepower with its 76.2 mm gun, the KV-1 was all about survivability. Its weight, approximately 42 tons, made it less maneuverable than lighter tanks, but it was considered a formidable opponent on the battlefield due to its armor and firepower.

The first KV-1 tanks were produced in 1939, with full production commencing in 1940. The initial models were known as the KV-1 Model 1940 and featured the 76.2 mm ZiS-5 gun, which allowed the tank to engage both enemy armor and fortified positions effectively. However, the KV-1's effectiveness was hampered by its relatively slow speed, up to 30 km/h and mechanical issues, which were common in early Soviet tanks. As a heavy tank, it surpassed all but the French Char B1 in terms of firepower and armor. It exhibited the distinctive features of Soviet tank design that persisted until its retirement. However, the KV-1 had several drawbacks, including poor ergonomics, good cross-country capabilities, and a range similar to that of the inferior Panzer III and IV. It was also produced at a low cost. Sharing its engine with the T-34 allowed for parts interchangeability and other benefits, but this limited its speed and range. Additionally, the tank's transmission was poorly engineered, leading to frequent mechanical failures. The KV-1 also lacked potential for upgrades compared to other key tanks of the time, resulting in its relatively early retirement. Its most significant limitation was the small number of units available; only five hundred had been acquired by the start of Operation Barbarossa, and their distribution was scattered, weakening their effectiveness against enemy tanks. The KV-1 initially surprised German forces during Operation Barbarossa due to its resilient armor, which could withstand attacks from the Panzer III and IV tanks and even some heavier anti-tank weapons. However, as the war continued, the Germans developed increasingly effective countermeasures, including the PaK 40 anti-tank gun and the larger-caliber tanks like the Panther and Tiger.

The T-34 tank, widely recognized as one of the most effective and influential tanks of World War II, was developed by the Soviet Union in response to the need for a versatile and powerful armored vehicle that could counter the advancements made by German tanks in the late 1930s. Its development began in 1937 based on the experiences and lessons learned from previous conflicts and the desire to create a tank that combined firepower, armor, and mobility. The design team, led by Mikhail Koshkin of the Kharkov Design Bureau, aimed to create a medium tank that could support infantry while having sufficient speed and maneuverability on various terrains. This led to the decision to mount a 76.2 mm gun, which was powerful enough to penetrate the armor of contemporary German tanks while remaining manageable for a medium tank.

The T-34's hull featured sloped armor, a design innovation that significantly increased its effectiveness against enemy fire by deflecting incoming rounds. Initially, it was armored with 45 mm of steel; later models saw improvements in thickness and armor design. The tank's wide tracks and robust suspension system allowed it to traverse difficult terrain, making it highly mobile compared to its contemporaries. Production of the T-34 began in 1940, and it quickly became a cornerstone of Soviet armored forces. One of the critical aspects of the T-34's development was the push for mass production. It was manufactured in massive quantities, with the USSR producing around eighty-four thousand T-34s during its lengthy production run, while Germany only produced approximately fourteen and a half thousand Panzers III and IV. 

In addition to tanks, the Red Army also explored new artillery designs. The 1930s marked a complete overhaul of the Army’s artillery, even as mechanization and motorization were still behind. By Mechanization I am referring to tracked armored fighting vehicles that move units, i.e. infantry in half-tracks, cavalry being supplanted by tanks, and artillery being replaced by assault guns or self-propelled artillery. Basically motorization is the putting of troops into trucks. A unit considered to be motorized will still generally fight in the traditional manner but be transported by trucks rather than horses or by foot. The latest howitzer model was on par with the best in the world at that time. The M1938 retained the 122-millimeter shell of earlier models but introduced several modern features: a screw breech, tires instead of traditional wheels, enhanced sights, and a split tail carriage that improved stability and facilitated transportation by trucks. This was crucial since the Red Army aimed to motorize its traditionally slowest branches: infantry and artillery.

Truck production was a persistent issue, leading to the widespread use of tractors as substitutes. This was often less than ideal due to tractors' slower speeds and their general unsuitability for long-distance transport. However, tractors were more affordable and available in larger quantities. This availability was primarily a result of the focus on licensing tractor designs for agricultural purposes under the Five-Year Plans, although they served a dual role in this context. Throughout the war, trucks remained a weak point in Soviet production. Starting in August 1941, American and British aid helped fill this gap, with approximately 400,000 trucks delivered during the conflict, while the Soviets managed to produce 265,000 on their own. The need for such aid was not anticipated in the years leading up to the war. The Red Army recognized that their doctrine's envisioned mobility would be significantly hindered if personnel and artillery were not motorized. The production shortcomings of the 1930s did affect the Red Army's campaigns during this period, but the necessary resources were never adequately allocated to resolve these shortages. While the Soviet Union was producing a significant number of trucks, competing demands from industry, the civilian economy, and the military exceeded production capabilities. One contributing factor was the manner in which trucks were distributed to the field forces. Instead of motorizing a single division or corps at a time, trucks were frequently distributed en masse to the Army. This approach allowed the massive army to absorb hundreds or even thousands of trucks at once without any substantial improvement in its capacity to transport personnel and supplies. This critical flaw was addressed during the war under Stalin’s directive, as units were methodically built up in rear areas before being deployed as fully equipped forces. While this was not a perfect solution, it proved to be an improvement over the previous practice of random truck distribution among units throughout the field force.

During this period, the air force showcased some distinctive designs, with the Polikarpov I-16 arguably being the standout among early modern fighter aircraft. The I-16 was designed by the Soviet engineer and aircraft designer Nikolai Polikarpov. The design process began in the mid-1930s, with the goal of creating a fighter that could compete with the latest aircraft of the time, particularly against the rising threat of Nazi Germany. Its development was characterized by a focus on speed, agility, and firepower. The I-16 featured a low-wing monoplane configuration, retractable landing gear, and a powerful M-62 engine, which contributed to its excellent performance. One of the aircraft's most distinctive characteristics was its round shape, often referred to as a "Rata", Spanish for "rat", which was both a result of its construction and its aerodynamic design. The aircraft first flew in December 1933, and after extensive testing and modifications, it was accepted into service by the Soviet Air Force in 1934.

The I-16 quickly gained a reputation for its speed and maneuverability. It was capable of reaching speeds of over 300 mph and had a service ceiling of around 30,000 feet, making it competitive with contemporary fighters like the British Hawker Hurricane and the German Messerschmitt Bf 109. By 1936, the I-16 was in service in significant numbers and was employed extensively in the Spanish Civil War, where it demonstrated its effectiveness in dogfights and ground support roles. In the late 1930s, more than 10,000 units were produced, making the I-16 one of the most widely produced fighters of its time. Its versatility allowed for various modifications, resulting in several variants equipped with different armaments and engines. The aircraft could be fitted with a range of weapons, including machine guns and cannons, enhancing its combat capabilities.

Despite its initial success, the I-16 began to show its age by the end of the 1930s. As newer aircraft were developed, such as the German Bf 109 and the Soviet Yakovlev Yak-1, the I-16 was gradually outclassed. The introduction of heavier armament and improved aerodynamics in these newer models made the I-16 less effective in air combat. By the time World War II began in 1939, the I-16 was still in service but had been overshadowed by its newer counterparts. However, the aircraft remained a crucial part of the Soviet air force during the early stages of the war. It was involved in significant battles, including the Battle of Moscow and the defense against the Luftwaffe, showcasing its enduring relevance despite being outmatched. The Germans had deployed the Bf 109 in considerable numbers, and the Fw-190 was on the verge of becoming operational. Meanwhile, the Soviets were working on several promising fighter designs, but by decade's end, very few modern aircraft had been put into service. The war would trigger a revitalization of fighter development within the Soviet Aero Industry, leading to the introduction of several excellent designs alongside British and American planes. None of these advancements were underway before 1940, a shortcoming that would prove detrimental for the Soviet Union in the initial stages of the German invasion.

One area where the Red Air Force excelled was in the development of attack aircraft. Today, we might refer to this as the Close Air Support role, exemplified by the Il-2 Sturmovik. Its development began in the late 1930s under the leadership of chief designer Sergei Ilyushin, responding to the need for a dedicated ground-attack aircraft capable of taking on enemy armor and fortifications. The initial concept emphasized ruggedness and firepower, leading to the decision to equip the Sturmovik with heavy armament. The design featured a low-wing monoplane configuration with a robust airframe, primarily composed of metal, which was crucial for survivability in combat. The aircraft was powered by the Shvetsov ASh-82 radial engine, offering significant performance capabilities, including a cruising speed of approximately 400 km/h, thats 250 miles per freedom units and a range of around 600 km  or 370 freedom miles.

In 1938, the prototype, designated Il-2, made its first flight. However, its initial design underwent several modifications based on feedback from the Red Air Force and field tests. By the time production began in 1941, the Il-2 had evolved into a formidable platform with improved armor and weaponry. The aircraft was typically armed with a combination of 23mm and 37mm cannons, and it could carry bombs for ground-attack missions. The Sturmovik's production ramped up significantly following the start of Operation Barbarossa in June 1941, as the Soviet Union faced a critical need for effective CAS to support its infantry in the wake of German advances. Various factories, including those relocated from western regions during the German invasion, were repurposed for the Sturmovik's manufacturing. This effort led to a staggering output; by war's end, over 36,000 units had been produced, making it one of the most mass-produced aircraft in history.

One of the most notable features of the Il-2 was its armor. The aircraft was heavily fortified to withstand small arms fire and light anti-aircraft artillery, enabling it to operate effectively in contested environments. The armor plate, though adding weight, provided increased survivability for pilots, making the Sturmovik a resilient platform on the battlefield. The Il-2 was quickly proven in combat, participating in numerous key battles, including the Battle of Stalingrad and the Kursk Offensive. It provided essential support to Soviet ground forces, attacking enemy tanks, troops, and supply lines. Its effectiveness was greatly enhanced by the close coordination with ground troops, who would often designate targets for the Sturmovik. The concept behind this design was not exclusive to the Soviet Union, as the Germans also created the highly effective Ju-87 Stuka for similar purposes. It demonstrated greater versatility than the German Stuka, with superior armament and armor. This distinction was partly due to the differing roles of the two aircraft. The Stuka started as a dedicated dive bomber before being modified for anti-tank and strafing attacks, while the Sturmovik was conceived as a more general-purpose aircraft, designed to engage ground targets with a level of protection against anti-aircraft fire. 

The Soviet Navy faced a considerable challenge. The Bolshevik regime prioritized the Red Army while initially neglecting naval forces, which were seen as less critical in a land-based conflict. The 1920s were marked by doctrinal battles, particularly influenced by the Jeune Ecole movement, which valued smaller, more agile naval forces capable of commerce raiding rather than large battleships. This ideological stance led to a limited naval budget and a focus on developing submarines and smaller vessels. By the 1930s, however, the Soviet government's attitude shifted as it recognized the importance of a strong navy in asserting power and protecting its interests. The expansion of the Soviet industrial base during this time allowed for new designs and greater investments in naval construction. Despite initial low priority, Joseph Stalin's regime eventually sanctioned the creation of a formidable fleet, partly in reaction to perceived threats from Nazi Germany. In 1934, the Soviet Navy’s development gained momentum with the introduction of new projects focused on large surface ships, particularly battleships. The decision to pursue these larger vessels was likely influenced by Germany's construction of the Scharnhorst and Bismarck classes, which posed a direct challenge to Soviet naval aspirations. Although attempts were made to acquire foreign designs or ships, ultimately, the decision was made to develop indigenous designs, resulting in the Sovetsky Soyuz class of battleships, although none were completed before their scrap by 1949.

The narrative of the modernization of the Soviet Union’s military and industry in the 1930s is marked by success, but it faced a significant hurdle, Joseph Stalin himself. By 1936, an atmosphere of paranoia pervaded the halls of power. Stalin was haunted by the specter of betrayal. What became known as the Great Purge, began not with an announcement but with whispers of treason among former comrades. Stalin's grip on power felt fragile, and to safeguard the revolution, he believed he needed to eliminate anyone who dared to oppose him. The machinery of state repression, primarily the NKVD, the secret police, was primed for action. The dramatic crescendo began in August 1936 with the infamous Moscow Trials. The first show trial saw key figures of the party, men who had fought alongside Stalin, brought before the court. Grigory Zinoviev, once a close ally, stood in the dock alongside Lev Kamenev, both cloaked in fear. They were accused of plotting against Stalin, a charge resounding with absurdity. Under the harsh lights of a courtroom designed for spectacle rather than truth, they confessed to their crimes, often under extreme duress. The confessions were not just admissions of guilt; they were statements of survival, a desperate bid to escape the death sentence that lurked just outside the courtroom doors. The show trials were merely the tip of the iceberg. The NKVD launched widespread arrests, sweeping through cities and villages, casting nets of terror. Neighbors turned on each other, afraid that silence might invite suspicion. Ordinary citizens were snatched from their homes in the dead of night for crimes they could not comprehend.

Among the arrested were not only party officials but also intellectuals, artists, and even the military brass. Officers of the Red Army, once revered heroes of the revolution, now faced annihilation. They were deemed potential threats to Stalin’s regime. In just a few years, hundreds of thousands would find themselves rotting in labor camps, known as Gulags, while countless others simply vanished, their fates sealed in silence. This wave of terror didn’t only affect the political elite, it seeped into the very fabric of everyday life. Families were torn apart as loved ones disappeared, leaving children to wonder about the fate of their parents. By 1937, the purges entered a particularly brutal phase, targeting the Red Army. Stalin feared that the old guard, with their loyalty to Bolshevism, might rise against him. The NKVD executed or imprisoned a significant portion of military leaders, including the chief military commanders. One general, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, a celebrated figure during the civil war, was executed after a short trial marked by his own forced confession. The Red Army, once a colossal force, crumbled under the weight of leadership decimated by Stalin’s retribution.

The purges created a culture steeped in fear. People who had once celebrated the October Revolution now tread lightly, avoiding conversations that could be misconstrued as dissent. As the purges peaked, the sheer scale of repression began to overwhelm not just the citizens but also the very institutions of the party. The tide began to turn with the fall of Nikolai Yezhov, the head of the NKVD, who became a victim of Stalin's paranoia himself. In 1938, as the purges began to ebb, Stalin turned on Yezhov, blaming him for the excesses of the terror. The once-feared Yezhov was arrested, tortured, and executed, a grim reminder that loyalty in Stalin's world was an illusion. By 1939, the purges had subsided, leaving a shattered society in their wake. Estimates of the dead, imprisoned, or exiled during this period range from 1.5 to 3 million, a high price for a regime clinging to power through fear. The Great Purge would forever mar the Soviet psyche, laying an indelible mark on the national identity. Stalin’s Soviet Union emerged from the Great Purge a different entity, albeit one weakened by loss. The fabric of trust that had once connected people dissolved. The old Bolshevik guard, with their vision of a worker's paradise, had been replaced by a climate of submission, survival hinged on unyielding loyalty to the dictator.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

In the aftermath of World War I, Germany teetered on the brink of chaos. Amidst despair, Adolf Hitler rose to power, exploiting public disillusionment. Meanwhile, Stalin's USSR pursued rapid industrialization through Five-Year Plans, implementing brutal purges to eliminate dissent. These regimes set the stage for future conflict as tensions escalated.

Last time we spoke about the Reichswehr. In post-World War I Germany, society teetered on the edge of chaos. The Great War's aftermath left wounds that ran deep; food shortages and despair fueled growing unrest. Amidst this turmoil, Adolf Hitler emerged, promising a return to national pride. On November 8, 1923, he attempted a coup known as the Beer Hall Putsch, seizing control of a Munich beer hall, but his ambitions quickly unraveled. His attempt to rally support fell flat, leading to violent clashes with police. In the chaos, Hitler was injured and later arrested. During his trial, rather than a pariah, he became a voice for disillusioned Germans, transforming the NSDAP into a political force. The failed putsch exposed the weakness of the Weimar Republic, setting the stage for future conflicts. As democracy floundered, the Reichswehr adapted, hinting at the military resurgence that would soon follow and foreshadowing the dark era ahead for Germany and the world.

This episode is Prelude #4 The Wehrmacht

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

The Weimar Republic was ambitious yet fragile. It promised democracy, civil liberties, and social reforms, and many believed it would usher in a new era of prosperity. However, beneath the surface of this hopeful facade lay deep divisions and discontent that would ultimately lead to its downfall. At its inception, the republic faced immediate challenges. The old imperial elite, including military leaders and aristocrats, harbored dreams of restoring their former glory. Meanwhile, the newly empowered working class sought rights and recognition, often clashing with right-wing paramilitary groups like the Freikorps. A wave of political violence swept through the streets, as rival factions vied for power. In 1919, the Spartacist uprising, led by communist leaders Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, was violently suppressed, setting a precedent for bloodshed in the years to come.

The republic struggled to gain legitimacy, tarnished by the stigma of having accepted the Versailles Treaty. Many Germans viewed the government as weak and ineffectual. Amidst hyperinflation in 1923, the currency lost its value overnight, devastating savings and wreaking havoc on the middle class. Bread that once cost a few marks escalated to millions. Frustration and anger simmered, leading to a surge in extremist parties capitalizing on the people's despair. Amid this chaos, a charismatic and ambitious leader emerged: Adolf Hitler, head of the National Socialist German Workers' Party “NSDAP”. With his potent mixture of nationalist zeal and radical ideas, he reached out to those disillusioned by the republic's failures. His promises of restoring German pride and rebuilding the economy resonated with a populace yearning for stability and direction. In parallel, the Weimar government attempted to stabilize the economy through foreign loans, particularly from the United States via the Dawes Plan in 1924. Initially, this strategy bore fruit, leading to a period of relative prosperity known as the "Golden Twenties." Jazz clubs flourished in Berlin, art and culture thrived, and new social freedoms emerged. Yet, the underlying fractures remained, and the republic's economic foundation was precarious, dependent on foreign goodwill. As the Great Depression struck in 1929, the Weimar Republic found itself in freefall. Unemployment soared, businesses collapsed, and despair spread like wildfire. The government, struggling to respond effectively, seemed paralyzed. 

As the 1930 elections approached, the NSDAP capitalized on widespread discontent with the Weimar government. Many Germans blamed the existing leaders for their misfortunes, viewing them as ineffective in addressing rampant unemployment and skyrocketing inflation. Leveraging this anger, Hitler and the Nazis promised hope, unity, and a restoration of national pride. Their message resonated with a population desperate for change. In the 1930 elections, significant shifts occurred. The NSDAP's campaign was a masterclass in propaganda, utilizing rallies, posters, and speeches that struck chords with the fears and aspirations of the people. They portrayed themselves as a party of action, implying that only they could revive Germany and put an end to the struggles of everyday life. Their slogan, “Work and Bread,” echoed throughout the streets, attracting those who had lost faith in traditional political parties. While the Weimar coalition governments faltered, struggling to present a united front and implement effective solutions, the Nazis emerged as a strong alternative. The party's numbers surged in the Reichstag, capturing 18.3% of the vote and becoming the second-largest party. This result marked the beginning of their climb to power, fueling their determination and validating their radical message. From 1930 to 1932, economic conditions worsened, allowing the Nazis to expand their support base. Each election cycle, they grew bolder and more confident. 

Hitler responded by having his SA thugs ramp up street violence across the country while he started to campaign for the 1932 presidential election. This two-pronged effort netted him second place overall with 36 percent of the popular vote, with 53 percent of the vote going to Paul von Hindenburg, a Field Marshal during the First World War. The campaign strategy remained aggressive, highlighting Hitler as the only leader capable of restoring order and dignity to Germany. They effectively utilized media outlets to spread their ideology and present a unified front against their political rivals. Fearmongering was also a prominent tactic. The Nazis painted communists as a significant threat, instilling fear among the middle and upper classes and galvanizing their support. They promised to combat reds with force, appealing to those who feared for their property and livelihoods. This narrative successfully marginalized opposition parties, leading many Germans to view the Nazis as the only protectors of the nation against chaos. The political landscape was continually shifting; backroom deals and intrigues unfolded. In January 1933, through a series of political maneuvers and miscalculations by conservative leaders, Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany. This was not the culmination of a clear electoral victory alone, but rather the result of a calculated gamble made by elites who underestimated his ambitions.

As Hitler assumed power, the NSDAP’s grip tightened. They swiftly began dismantling the republic's democratic structures, using fear and violence to silence any dissent. The elections from 1930 to 1933 are vivid chapters in the story of how a country, wracked by hardship, found refuge in a radical party that led not just to electoral success but also a pivotal moment in history, transforming the landscape of Germany and the world forever. On the night of February 27, 1933, a flicker of flames erupted in the heart of Berlin, engulfing the Reichstag building in smoke and chaos. As the fire raged, panic spread through the city, and soon the entire nation was watching, captivated and horrified. The blaze quickly became a pivotal moment in German history, a fire that would ignite the flames of totalitarianism. Hitler seized upon the chaos. They claimed the fire was part of a communist conspiracy to overthrow the government, pointing fingers at political opponents. In the aftermath, the government moved swiftly, using fear as a weapon. The very next day, Hitler urged President Paul von Hindenburg to issue the Reichstag Fire Decree, effectively suspending civil liberties and allowing for the arrest of thousands of communist leaders and activists. As the Nazis dismantled the democratic framework of the Weimar Republic, the propaganda machine churned, portraying the fire as a desperate act of sabotage that warranted drastic measures. Citizens, gripped by fear of a communist uprising, rallied behind Hitler, inadvertently empowering the very regime that would lead to their oppression. A campaign of terror ensued against political opponents, particularly communists and socialists. The Enabling Act of March 1933 granted Hitler the power to legislate without parliamentary approval, effectively dismantling the democratic framework of the Weimar Republic.

By August of the following year, Hitler had firmly seized control of the nation. He banned all other political parties, purged his own party and opposition factions, and secured unwavering support from the military and the leaders of industry. Hindenburg passed away on August 2, 1934. The aging field marshal and president of the republic was the final barrier to Hitler’s absolute dictatorship. On the day of Hindenburg's death, Hitler required every soldier and civil servant to take an oath of personal loyalty to him. The evening prior, the “Law Concerning the Head of State of the German Reich” was enacted through a cabinet decree, merging the roles of President and Chancellor and consolidating them under Hitler's authority. With this, there were no remaining legal hurdles to his totalitarian rule over the country.

From the outset, Hitler aimed to transform Germany into a powerful nation. He intended to accomplish this through military rearmament, sidelining post-war treaties, and enforcing the principles of Nazism within civilian life. While earlier administrations had already initiated rearmament, Nazi ideology framed the military as an instrument of aggression essential for restoring national strength. To achieve this goal, the military needed to be developed into an offensive force. Hitler began this undertaking almost immediately, garnering support from industrial and military leaders. Although rearmament efforts were intensified, they were initially shrouded in secrecy. However, attempts to hide these activities were ineffective, quickly turning them into an open secret; it became widely known that Germany was rebuilding its army in violation of the Treaty of Versailles. 

Now I have to take a little side stop here. As many of you know, I am the Pacific War guy, and need to mention something. Hitler came to the conclusion the League of Nations and Western powers were basically lame ducks for a variety of reasons. The economic depression had hit them hard, thus they were stuck dealing with internal issues. Then there was the east. In 1931 the Empire of Japan performed a false flag operation known as the Mukden Incident. This was a precursor to Japan’s invasion of Manchuria. This invasion marked a pivotal moment in international relations, illustrating how militaristic nationalism could triumph over the hesitations of diplomatic negotiations, a lesson that deeply resonated with Hitler and even Mussolini.

In the heart of Munich, Hitler was formulating his vision of a resurgent Germany, one that would reclaim its place on the world stage. He was both envious and inspired by Japan’s audacity. The Japanese military's swift conquest of Manchuria demonstrated a practical application of military tactics and nationalistic fervor that Hitler believed were essential for his own plans to expand German territory. He admired how Japan disregarded the League of Nations' condemnation and continued its aggressive policies with little consequence. This bold defiance reinforced the notion in Hitler’s mind that international norms could be disregarded if a nation had the will and strength to act. As Hitler began to consolidate power, he studied the pattern of Japanese expansion throughout the 1930s. Following Manchuria, Japan's further aggression in North China and Inner Mongolia as well as the establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo provided a blueprint for territorial expansion that Hitler yearned to replicate in Europe. The brutal efficiency of the Japanese military and the subsequent industrialization of Manchuria served as a stark reminder of what could be achieved through decisive action. Hitler recognized that for Germany to regain its former glory, it must adopt similar strategies of aggression and expansion.

During this period, Hitler drew parallels between Japan’s military campaigns and his own aspirations for Lebensraum, or “living space,” in Eastern Europe. Japan had invaded Manchura for three main reasons: 1) to seize its rich natural resources in the form of coal, iron and fertile land. 2) Manchuria was an outlet for Japan’s booming population. Japan immediately began a mass immigration plan sending farmers to settle manchuria and businessmen to exploit and form industries. 3) Manchuria was taken specifically to form a buffer state against the USSR. Hitler had near identical visions for Germany to expand its borders to seize resources, fertile land and living space for its people as well as create buffers against her enemies. Just as Japan sought to dominate Asia, Hitler sought to assert Germany’s dominance over its neighbors. During this period, the guarantor nations lacked the resolve to intervene, a trend that continued throughout the decade. In 1935, Hitler proclaimed the establishment of the Luftwaffe, with Hermann Göring at its helm. This marked a significant breach of the Versailles Treaty, which he followed with a speech that rejected the treaty entirely. Germany was now openly defying the post-war international order, with a significant buildup of tanks and aircraft alongside naval construction that had commenced before the Nazis assumed power.

The subsequent step involved establishing a new unified military command, marking the creation of a new Wehrmacht. The general staff was reorganized and reestablished as the Oberkommando der Heer “OKH”. The Navy received a new designation along with an appropriate command structure; it was renamed the Kriegsmarine and would operate under the Oberkommando der Marine “OKM”. The Oberkommando der Luftwaffe “OKL” was designated as the central planning and command authority for the new air force. In 1938, these command structures were placed under the oversight of a comprehensive military command team known as the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht “OKW”. Most senior military officials welcomed this new arrangement, though some had reservations. Many quickly acknowledged the potential for abuse and rivalries within an Army-dominated framework. Several officers in the OKH believed that their established role as the planners of national warfare and military operations was at risk of being sidelined by the OKW.

Now something I think we need to cover a bit, is the formation of the infamous SS. In the early days of the Nazi Party, the Sturmabteilung or “SA”, “brownshirts” or “Storm Troopers”, emerged as a powerful paramilitary group, embodying the fiery spirit of Adolf Hitler’s movement. Formed in 1920, the SA played a crucial role in the party’s rise, providing protection at rallies, intimidating political opponents, and engaging in violent street fights. The SA quickly grew in numbers, attracting disaffected veterans and young men eager for a sense of purpose in the wake of Germany’s defeat in World War I and the turmoil of the Weimar Republic.

Under the leadership of Ernst Röhm, the SA became a formidable force, boasting millions of members by the early 1930s. Röhm envisioned the SA as an army that could help consolidate power for the Nazis and bring about what he kept calling for “a real revolution”. Basically Rohm sought to simply overthrow the German government to form a military dictatorship. However, this ambition caused friction with traditional military leaders and conservative elites who viewed the SA's radicalism with disdain. Hitler, initially supportive of Röhm, allowed the SA to operate with considerable autonomy, but as the party gained power, he grew increasingly wary of its unchecked influence. By 1933, after becoming Chancellor, the SA’s violent antics became a liability, alarming the Reichswehr and influential conservatives who feared Röhm’s growing ambitions. In this context, Hitler began to favor the more disciplined Schutzstaffel or SS”, originally created as his personal bodyguard in 1925 and led by Heinrich Himmler. Unlike the SA, the SS was loyal directly to Hitler and adopted a more ideological approach to its mission.

The turning point for the SA came during the Night of the Long Knives in June 1934. Fearing a coup led by Röhm and the SA, Hitler orchestrated a brutal purge. In a shocking display of loyalty to the Führer, SS and police forces arrested and executed many SA leaders, including Röhm himself. This decisive action effectively dismantled the SA as a political force and reassured the army and conservatives, who were relieved to see Röhm’s radicalism curtailed. After the purge, the SS emerged as the primary paramilitary organization within the Nazi regime. With a focus on loyalty to Hitler, racial ideology, and the enforcement of Nazi policies, the SS grew in both power and prestige. The SA was officially disbanded, its remnants absorbed into the SS, which continued to expand under Himmler’s brutal vision. The SS transformed into one of the most feared organizations in Nazi Germany, embodying the regime's ruthless pursuit of power. The SS evolved into a powerful political entity with secret police authority. This increase in political influence was accompanied by an expansion in the size of the organization. By the latter part of the decade, the SS core developed into a regular infantry regiment, operating outside the traditional Army command structure. The Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler began as a ceremonial guard but ultimately became the foundation of the Waffen-SS, transforming into a Panzer Division and, in the war’s final years, a Panzer Corps.

Having solidified his grip on political power in Germany and with his military making notable strides in rearmament, Hitler turned his focus to the territorial ambitions of his regime. The first move aimed to highlight the indifference of the former Allied powers. In March 1936, Adolf Hitler, defying the Treaty of Versailles, ordered German troops to march into the Rhine, a demilitarized zone. The Rhine, long a symbol of both national pride and the harsh penalties imposed on Germany after World War I, became the stage for a bold Nazi maneuver. As the sun rose on that fateful day, German soldiers, fueled by a mix of determination and nationalistic fervor, crossed the Rhine under the watchful eyes of their leaders. Local citizens, many unsure of what lay ahead, viewed the procession with a mix of fear and reluctant admiration. For the Nazi regime, this was more than a military act; it was a demonstration of power, signaling to the world Germany's reclaiming of its rightful place. In Paris and London, leaders debated their responses, but the anticipation and anxiety of a continent hung in the balance. Hitler’s gamble paid off; France and Britain hesitated, unwilling to risk another war. The occupation was met with little opposition, reinforcing Hitler’s conviction that the Western powers would not intervene. It was just as Hitler had seen with Japan’s invasion of Manchuria. Despite the condemnation from Western Powers, none were willing to actually confront the invader.  The remilitarization of the Rhineland marked a crucial turning point. 

The display of weakness by the French and British governments emboldened Hitler. He patiently built up his forces until early 1938 when he planned the unification of Austria known as the Anchluss, forming a Third Reich, a long-standing goal of Nazi propaganda aimed at bringing all German-speaking peoples together. The German High Command “OKH” was instructed to prepare plans to advance the army into Austria and secure vital locations. Simultaneously, Hitler orchestrated a political takeover of the country. In March of that year, under pressure from Hitler, the Austrian government called for a referendum regarding unification with Germany. Aware that the referendum could not favor Germany if conducted fairly, Hitler sent troops across the border claiming it was for peacekeeping. The Austrian army offered no resistance, partly due to prior infiltration by Nazi supporters. The Austrian government was left without any hope for support from the United Kingdom or France. Although Mussolini had previously opposed the Anschluss, he was disheartened by the Western Allies' lack of resolve and felt isolated by his imperial campaigns in Ethiopia, which had led the League of Nations to sanction Italy. This vulnerability made him susceptible to Hitler's promises and threats, ultimately resulting in a quasi-client state relationship between Italy and Germany. This connection was reinforced by the Berlin-Rome Axis treaty in 1936, shaping the alliance that would enter World War II as aggressors. With Mussolini disarmed and the Western allies refusing to defend Austria's independence, the decision fell to the Austrian voters. After weeks of intimidation from soldiers and Nazi thugs, the referendum was manipulated to ensure it would succeed. On April 10, the voting took place, and the results showed an overwhelming 99.7 percent in favor of unification. Austria was now officially integrated into Germany.

The Republic of Czechoslovakia emerged from the remnants of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following World War I, inspired by American President Wilson’s advocacy for self-determination. This new nation was ethnically diverse, with individuals identifying as German, Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and Ruthenian among its citizens.  However, this beautiful mosaic also bred complexity. Among its borders lay the Sudetenland, a region predominantly inhabited by ethnic Germans, and it was here that tensions would rise, foreshadowing a tempest that would engulf the continent. With a fanatical belief in the superiority of the Aryan race, Hitler sought to unite all ethnic Germans under the Nazi flag. This ambition made the Sudetenland the focal point of his plans, as the region's significant German population offered a convenient pretext for intervention. 

In 1937, Hitler began to make ominous declarations about the plight of the ethnic Germans living in Czechoslovakia. His propaganda machine churned out stirring tales of injustice, painting a picture of a German populace yearning for reunification with the Fatherland. The German-speaking citizens in Sudetenland, understandably stirred by the growing tensions, found themselves caught in the crosshairs of an escalating crisis. As 1938 dawned, Hitler's intentions became increasingly apparent to European leaders. Czechoslovakia had forged alliances with France and the USSR for protection against potential aggression, yet these alliances did little to assuage the fears stirred by Hitler's rhetoric. The Czechoslovak government, recognizing their precarious position, prepared for potential conflict, bolstering defenses and seeking to rally support from their allies. However, not all was unified among the Allies. In France and Britain, a faction known as the appeasers advocated for negotiation and compromise with Hitler. They believed satisfying his demands would stave off war, a belief that tragically underestimated his ambitions. Prominent figures like British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was swayed by the mantra of “peace at all costs.” By the summer of 1938, the situation had reached a boiling point. Hitler openly called for the annexation of the Sudetenland, demanding immediate action. As this threat loomed overhead, the leaders of France and Britain hurriedly convened, attempting to chart a course that might prevent the unavoidable confrontation. Czechoslovakia found itself isolated, as its allies hesitated to commit to a military response. 

In September 1938, the fate of the Sudetenland was to be determined in a series of meetings known as the Munich Conference. Chamberlain, French Premier Édouard Daladier, and Italian dictator Benito Mussolini met with Hitler, leaving Czechoslovakian President Edvard Beneš excluded from the discussions about his country’s future. The atmosphere was charged with tension, a palpable anxiety hanging heavy over the room. Hitler, confident and brazen, presented his demands in a way that suggested compromise was impossible. He waved aside the reality of Czechoslovakia's plight, framing the issue as a matter of racial justice and self-determination for the Sudeten Germans. “They deserve their rights,” he proclaimed, masking his imperial ambitions beneath the guise of liberation. 

Amidst this crisis, confusion reigned among the Allies, as internal factions debated between the pursuit of “peace at all costs” and the need to defend Czechoslovakia against what was widely recognized as relentless German aggression. The French army was expected to be the strongest in the world, and the rest of Europe looked to them for military leadership. However, similar to previous situations in the Rhineland and Austria, French generals, under General Maurice Gamelin's command, hesitated. The French General Staff declined opportunities for staff discussions or significant military collaboration with the Czechoslovak army, and Gamelin struggled to coordinate even basic operational plans with their continental allies, including the USSR, Poland, and Romania.

According to Gamelin’s assessment, the military situation was far from favorable. He grossly overestimated the strength of the German military, which resulted in significant shortcomings in war planning. It remains unclear whether this was due to incompetence or deliberate misrepresentation to evade the burdens of war. It was acknowledged that the United Kingdom could only contribute a nominal force of two infantry divisions and 120 aircraft, along with the potential for a substantial blockade by the Royal Navy. France mobilized around 100 quality divisions, while Czechoslovakia had 35. Meanwhile, the USSR was undergoing the Great Purge, making it challenging to understand their true capabilities and intentions. A year later, when they invaded Poland, the Red Army fielded 34 infantry and cavalry divisions, along with 17 tank brigades. It can be assumed they would have deployed a similar or even larger force to back Czechoslovakia in 1938. The Polish Army could summon approximately 30 divisions to confront Germany. In contrast, the German Army had only 51 divisions, of which only two were fully equipped panzer divisions, primarily consisting of mostly outdated Panzer I and II models. This equated to around 500 tanks. The Czechoslovakian Army was outfitted with the superior LT vz. 38 tanks, and the French had several excellent models alongside older designs, including the cutting-edge S-35 medium tank, with about 200 in frontline service during the Sudetenland crisis, plus hundreds of other types. The Red Army had a diverse range of tanks, but none were particularly effective in combat, as the best designs of that time were still in development. Beyond the numerical and technical advantages of the various armies opposing the Wehrmacht, Czechoslovakia's military defenses were relatively robust, featuring a well-trained army and a series of fortifications known as the Czechoslovak Fortified Border . This system included bunkers, observation posts, and heavy artillery positioned along the borders. Nevertheless, none of these nations seemed able to fully grasp the extent of their superiority, which contributed to the critical lack of resolve among the political leaders involved in negotiating the appeasement of Hitler.

The commanders of the Wehrmacht were fully aware of their forces' shortcomings. They recognized the strategic futility of engaging in a two-front war while facing an impenetrable blockade likely to be imposed by the Royal Navy. They perceived the Sudetenland Crisis as a potential rallying point reminiscent of Belgium in 1914. While Czechoslovakia might struggle to withstand the German Army alone, it increasingly seemed that assistance would not be necessary. This situation caused concern among Army leaders. Although they all supported Hitler's objectives, they believed he was being dangerously impulsive in his desire to swiftly alter Europe’s political landscape. Such recklessness posed a risk of rekindling the old Alliance that had defeated Germany so severely two decades earlier.

This knowledge prompted several individuals to orchestrate a plan to remove Hitler, known as the Oster Conspiracy. The key participants in this group agreed that they would only take action if Hitler actually led the country into a world conflict. Initially initiated by a Lieutenant Colonel and a Major, the plot quickly gained the involvement of senior Wehrmacht leadership. General Brauchitsch, the Army's commander in chief, joined forces with his current and former chiefs of staff, Generals Halder and Beck. General Adam, who commanded the crucial Siegfried Line, also supported the coup attempt. Furthermore, several Military District commanders aligned with the conspirators, including General List in Dresden, General Kluge in Munster, and General Witzleben in Berlin. The plotters also sought the backing of the Berlin Police Chief, Helldorff, and the head of the Wehrmacht Intelligence Service, the Abwehr, Admiral Canaris. While the British were informed of the conspiracy, it seems that Chamberlain didn't take their commitment seriously. The French were kept in the dark about it. One of those big “what if’s” of alternate history. 

On October 1st, Hitler's forces crossed the border into the Sudetenland. This move came after the Czechoslovakians capitulated just hours earlier, having discovered that the British and French would no longer uphold their agreement to go to war with Germany if Hitler invaded Czechoslovakian territory. While the USSR was still interested in defending Czechoslovakia, it could not offer significant assistance due to Polish and Romanian restrictions on access to their territories. This was how the young republic succumbed to Hitler's ambitions. The Oster conspirators abandoned their plans as soon as it became evident that a world war was unlikely. Hitler successfully bluffed the world into permitting him to take the Sudetenland, which set the stage for him to dismantle the weakened state within months. Although he assured Chamberlain that the Sudetenland would be his final territorial demand in Europe, he had further intentions.

Back to the Munich conference. As the situation escalated, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain grew increasingly concerned about the potential for war. Chamberlain believed that a policy of appeasement, making concessions to dictatorial powers, might avert conflict. On the other side, French Prime Minister Édouard Daladier faced his own pressure to maintain peace while satisfying Czechoslovakia's security concerns. In a dramatic turn of events, Chamberlain, Daladier, and Hitler convened a series of meetings to address the crisis. The climax of these discussions unfolded on September 29, 1938, when the Munich Agreement was signed by representatives of Germany, Britain, France, and Italy. The agreement entailed that Czechoslovakia would cede the Sudetenland to Germany, and in return, Hitler promised that Germany would make no further territorial demands in Europe. As Chamberlain returned to Britain, he famously proclaimed that the agreement would bring “peace for our time.” He waved the document in the air, believing that it would secure stability in Europe. The scene was one of relief for many in Britain and France, who were exhausted from the memories of World War I and were desperate to avoid another conflict. However, the reality was far different. The Munich Agreement was met with outrage in Czechoslovakia, which had been effectively betrayed by the very powers that should have protected it. The agreement's terms were imposed without any representation from Czechoslovak leaders, and the loss of the Sudetenland devastated the nation's defenses and morale.

In the autumn of 1938, the Sudetenland was swiftly occupied by German troops. On October 1, Hitler's armies crossed the border, a direct violation of the sovereign rights of the Czechoslovakian state. The Czechoslovakian forces, demoralized and unsupported by their allies, were powerless against the German advance. Just hours before the occupation, Czechoslovakia had sought to mobilize but was met with inertia from its allies, who now assured them that Soviet support would not materialize as long as Poland and Romania denied access to their fronts for any potential military action. The atmosphere was one of despair and resignation. Czechoslovakia had been promised support, but the British and French governments decided that their own national interests were paramount. Inside his war room, Hitler reveled in the success of his maneuvering. Not only had he seized an important territory, but he had successfully bluffed the world into allowing him to do so. 

With the Sudetenland in German hands, the balance of power in Central Europe began to tilt ominously. Hitler had promised Chamberlain that this would be his final territorial demand, a pledge he intended to break. The Munich Agreement, viewed as a testament to diplomacy, had not pacified Hitler but instead provided him with the confidence to expand his ambitions further. The world watched in disbelief as he continued his campaign of conquest, with no checks to his power. As the chilling winds of winter began to blow across Europe, speculation grew regarding Hitler’s next move. The Munich Agreement had ignited a fire, and with each passing day, Hitler grew bolder. He soon set his sights beyond the borders of Czechoslovakia, inching ever closer to a conflict that would change the course of history.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

As the Weimar Republic faltered, the NSDAP exploited discontent, paving the way for Hitler's ascent to power and history's dark turn. Inspired by Japan’s invasion of Manchuria and his own megalomania, Hitler began his conquests of Europe, first taking the Rhinelands, then Austria and now Czechoslovakia.

Last time we spoke about the Russian Civil War. In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution and World War I, the Russian Civil War ignited, leading to a struggle for independence among various nations within the former empire. As the Bolsheviks seized control, they faced opposition from the White Movement and various nationalist groups. Ukraine, for instance, saw bloodshed between the Red Army and the White forces, compounded by external influences from Germany and Poland. Similar turmoil unfolded in Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, each grappling with their sovereign destinies amidst Russian turmoil. Throughout these conflicts, the Red Army emerged as a formidable force, gradually professionalizing through strategic leadership and collaboration with Germany. Ultimately, the Soviet government established a new order, although its grip on the territories remained contested and fraught with violence. The civil war's sweeping changes resulted in millions of casualties and the birth of new nations vying for their identities against the backdrop of a collapsing empire.

This episode is Prelude #3 The Reichswehr

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Hello again and welcome to the third prelude episode where we will be looking at the development of the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. 

In the autumn of 1918, Germany was a nation in turmoil. The Great War had taken a horrific toll, leaving millions dead and the landscape of Europe altered forever. As the war dragged on, the German populace grew weary and disillusioned. The country faced food shortages, economic deprivation, and increasing unrest. Battles raged at the front, and the whispers of revolution began to echo through the streets of cities like Berlin and Munich. In late October 1918, the German Navy, facing certain defeat, mutinied against their commanders in Kiel. It began with a group of sailors refusing to set sail for a final engagement with the British fleet. This act of defiance sparked protests and unrest, quickly spreading to various sectors of society. Workers and soldiers united, demanding an end to the war and a change in government. 

On November 9, 1918, amid the upheaval, Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated. The announcement sent waves of excitement and relief through the streets of Berlin, as crowds celebrated the end of the monarchy. However, this was only the beginning of a more complex struggle. Two main factions emerged in the revolutionary landscape: the Social Democrats “SPD”, who aimed for a parliamentary democracy, and the more radical Spartacist League, led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, who advocated for a socialist revolution. As the new government took shape, the SPD formed a coalition with moderate left-wing groups. They declared a new republic, known as the Weimar Republic, on November 9, 1918, with Friedrich Ebert as the Chancellor. Ebert’s government faced immediate challenges, including the need to maintain order and appease the demands of workers and soldiers who sought significant reforms. Strikes and protests became commonplace. Workers' councils, or “soviets,” were established across the country, asserting their influence over the social and political landscape. In response, the SPD sought to suppress the more radical movements. The Spartacists, unsatisfied with the pace of reform, initiated their own uprising in January 1919, believing that a true revolution was necessary to secure a socialist future.

The Spartacist uprising, however, was met with violent resistance. The government decided to quell the insurrection by enlisting the help of the Freikorps, paramilitary groups made up of former soldiers. We will get into them more in a bit. Over the course of the uprising, brutal clashes ensued in the streets of Berlin. The Freikorps, driven by a mix of anti-communism and nationalist fervor, clashed with the Spartacists, resulting in significant bloodshed. On January 15, 1919, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were captured and murdered by the Freikorps. Their deaths sparked national outrage and further polarized the political landscape. The radical left realized the urgency of their cause, but with their leaders gone, the movement fractured under the weight of government repression and internal divisions. The crisis had been narrowly averted when the first Chancellor, Friedrich Ebert, reached an agreement with Army Quartermaster General Wilhelm Groener. The details of this pact remain undocumented, with only Groener’s account available today. He asserted that he offered Ebert the Army's backing on the condition that Ebert would take steps to suppress early strands of communism within the military and ensure a peaceful transition of power. This arrangement helped stabilize the nascent Republic during its early days and is referred to as the Ebert-Groener Pact.

Now I would like to talk abit about the German armed forces after WW1. The remnants of the Imperial Army were divided into two main factions: those stationed on the western front and their counterparts on the eastern front. The eastern front, in particular, required urgent attention as new states, some having not existed for centuries, emerged in the chaotic post-war landscape. German volunteers, organized similarly to mercenary companies, roamed the battlefields of Eastern Europe. These groups were known in German as Freikorps, that we mentioned briefly before. The Freikorps participated in nearly all the independence struggles within what were formerly the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, though they rarely played a decisive role due to their limited numbers. However, they served as a breeding ground for several future Nazi leaders, including Heinrich Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, Martin Bormann, and Richard Walther Darré.

The Freikorps were not simply mercenaries engaged in Eastern European conflicts. In 1919, they fought on behalf of the government to suppress various uprisings and efforts to establish independent territories within the former German Empire. The most significant of these was the Bavarian Socialist Republic, which lasted about three weeks before being dismantled by thirty thousand Freikorps fighters under the orders of the Republican government. However, by 1920, the situation had shifted. The distinction between the military and the Freikorps had blurred, as many Reichswehr officers also led Freikorps units. These officers viewed their allegiance to the state as a fragile bond, maintained only when their interests coincided with those of the state. For those of you who listen to my Fall and Rise of China Podcast they are very much akin to the private armies during China’s Warlord Era. While the troops are officially part of the KMT National Revolutionary Army aka “NRA”, the federal troops of the nation, many were also being paid by regional warlords, take Feng Yuxiang or Yan Xishan for example. Such troops owed loyalty to a warlord clique and their Nation. 

In early 1920, tensions escalated when the German defense minister, fearing the growing power of the Freikorps, ordered the disbandment of two of their units stationed in Berlin. This decision was met with fierce opposition from General Lüttwitz, a Freikorps commander who refused to disband his men and felt that loyalties to the republic were tenuous at best. Instead of obeying orders, Lüttwitz rallied his forces, believing that the government's attempts to disband these troops threatened the very stability of the nation. In a bold move, Lüttwitz called upon the Freikorps to march on Berlin, igniting what would soon be known as the Kapp Putsch. Just so you are aware, Putsch is a German word that most closely resembles the French term “coup d’état” but has come to most readily bring to mind the failed attempts to overthrow the Weimar Republic in the 1920’s.

On March 10, 1920, thousands of Freikorps soldiers seized control of key government buildings, overpowering police and military resistance. As the Freikorps advanced, chaos spread through the city. The civilian government, led by President Friedrich Ebert, found itself under siege, with officials forced to flee for their lives. Ebert's government sought to maintain order and authority amidst the upheaval. In a desperate attempt to regain control, he called upon the workers of Berlin to initiate a general strike. This call resonated deeply with the people; they understood that if the Freikorps succeeded, their rights and livelihoods would be at risk. Across the city, factories halted production, and trains stopped running. Within days, a wave of solidarity brought the city to a standstill.The general strike took its toll on the Putschists. As they struggled to assert their authority, food shortages and unrest began to wear on their ranks. The Freikorps, despite their military training and discipline, found themselves unable to manage the unyielding opposition from the workers and citizens determined to protect their fledgling democracy.

On March 17, just a week after the rise of the Putsch, the tide shifted dramatically. The coalition of workers, united by their strike, weakened the Freikorps’ grip on the city. Realizing they could not sustain their hold in the face of growing resistance and the collapse of basic services, Lüttwitz and his allies decided to abandon their quest for power. In a hasty retreat, he fled to safety, aided by sympathetic police who had once been sworn to serve the republic. By the end of March 1920, the Ebert government reestablished itself in Berlin, having narrowly escaped a coup that could have thrown the nation into deeper chaos. Though the Putsch ultimately failed, it exposed the fragility of the Weimar Republic and the dangers posed by paramilitary groups like the Freikorps. As the dust settled, the events of the Kapp Putsch served as a stark reminder that democracy was under constant threat in postwar Germany, foreshadowing the larger crises yet to unfold in the years ahead. 

In the aftermath of World War I, a young Austrian named Adolf Hitler was struggling to find his place in a drastically changing world. Having enlisted in the Bavarian Army during the war, he rose to the rank of corporal as a runner. Hitler was wounded twice and was awarded the Iron Cross for bravery, which fueled his sense of nationalism and purpose. As Germany faced defeat in 1918, the Treaty of Versailles imposed harsh reparations and territorial losses, leading to pervasive discontent among the German populace. Disillusioned and angry, Hitler returned to Munich, where he experienced the economic turmoil and rampant inflation that plagued post-war Germany. The once proud nation was now a fractured society, leaving many seeking answers and direction.

In this chaotic environment, Hitler found himself drawn to politics. Initially, he attended meetings of the German Workers' Party “DAP”, a small, nationalist group. His charisma and oratory skills quickly set him apart, and he soon became a prominent figure. By 1919, he was speaking passionately about military glory, national pride, and the perceived betrayal of the German people by the Weimar Republic and its leaders. Hitler's public speaking captivated audiences, and he painted a picture of a Germany that could reclaim its former greatness. In early 1920, the DAP renamed itself the National Socialist German Workers' Party “NSDAP” to emphasize its focus on nationalism and socialism, appealing to the working class. Hitler took on the role of the party's chief propagandist, developing its ideology that combined extreme nationalism, anti-Semitism, and anti-communism.

Throughout 1920, Hitler organized rallies and used propaganda to spread the party's message, emphasizing the need for a strong leader to restore Germany's honor and power. His dedication did not go unnoticed, and in 1921, he became the party's leader, uniting various factions under his strong leadership. He emphasized the idea of the Aryan race as superior, promoting troubling ideologies that would later manifest in dark ways. Despite facing opposition and internal challenges, Hitler's strength as a speaker and his ability to tap into the collective frustration of the people allowed the NSDAP to gain membership and traction. His vision increasingly focused on the idea of creating a national community, which he believed could only be achieved through the exclusion of those he deemed inferior. In the early 1920s, the NSDAP started to gain political influence, winning seats in local elections. Fueled by the economic instability that the Great Depression brought in 1929, the party's popularity soared. Hitler capitalized on the fears and frustrations of the masses, promising solutions to unemployment, poverty, and national humiliation. By joining the NSDAP, Hitler didn’t just become a member; he transformed it into a powerful political force. His leadership style was authoritative, and he demanded unwavering loyalty from his followers. The combination of his mesmerizing speeches, the party's propaganda, and the widespread discontent with the Weimar Republic paved the way for his future ambitions. Hitler had played a minor role in the Kapp Putsch but managed to avoid attention from the authorities. Feeling dissatisfied with the progress made by Gustav Ritter von Kahr in a larger national putsch attempt. Hitler and his followers, known as the Kampfbund, decided to take matters into their own hands in Bavaria.

In November 1923, Hitler, Ludendorff, and the Kampfbund initiated their plan. At this point, Ludendorff fully supported the Nazi party's objectives, having been one of the originators of the “stab in the back” myth crucial to Hitler’s ideology. The "stab in the back" myth had emerged in post-World War I Germany as a narrative to explain the nation's defeat and the perceived betrayal by various groups. Ludendorff, who played a crucial role in the German military strategy during the war, promoted the idea that the German army had not been defeated on the battlefield but had been betrayed by civilians at home, particularly socialists, Jews, and politicians. This belief suggested that these groups were responsible for undermining the war effort, thus contributing to Germany's surrender in November 1918. Ludendorff's promotion of the myth aimed to shift blame away from military leaders and to delegitimize the newly established Weimar Republic. He argued that the German military was still capable of winning the war, having been effective in battles up until the final stages, and that it was the actions of politicians and activists, particularly those advocating for peace negotiations, that led to Germany's capitulation. This narrative resonated strongly with many Germans who were disillusioned by the war's outcome and the harsh conditions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. The myth played a significant role in fostering extreme nationalist sentiments and was embraced by various far-right groups, including the Nazis. Hitler and others used the myth to galvanize support, depicting themselves as defenders of the “stabbed” army and seeking to restore national pride and unity by blaming scapegoats for Germany’s misfortunes. This provided a foundation for antisemitism and helped justify subsequent political actions taken by the Nazi regime.

It was November 8, 1923, a chilly evening in Munich. The streets were alive with chatter as citizens filled local taverns, desperate to escape the harsh realities of their lives. Among these venues was the Bürgerbräukeller, a large beer hall known for its political gatherings. That night, it would host an event that would forever alter the course of German history. Hitler’s NSDAP, orchestrated a plan to seize power in Bavaria using the beer hall as a base of operations. At the time, Hitler believed that the political climate was favorable for a putsch. The government was weak, and various factions were embroiled in conflict; it seemed the perfect moment to strike.As the night wore on, Hitler, along with a cadre of stormtroopers, stormed into the hall where dignitaries were listening to speeches. He raised his gun and declared, “The national revolution has begun!” The proclamation shocked the attendees and created a frantic atmosphere. Among them were influential local leaders like Gustav von Kahr, the state commissioner, and General Otto von Lossow, the head of the army in Bavaria. 

Hitler and his supporters took the key political figures captive, promising them deals that would benefit their interests if they sided with him. Despite the temporary control, Kahr, Lossow, and a third figure, Hans Frank, were not intimidated. Hitler demanded that they submit to him and his new revolutionary government. Kahr and the others refused, leading to the Putsch's unraveling. Hitler’s SA members attempted to secure weapons from local armories but failed to convince the Reichswehr garrison to defect, which put them in a precarious situation. As various crises began to unfold across the city amid his men’s struggles, Hitler left the beer hall to address an issue elsewhere. This decision proved to be a mistake. Ludendorff erred by allowing Kahr to go free after Hitler departed, which enabled Kahr to rally resistance against the Putsch and connect with his supporters. By the end of the first night, it was evident that the Putsch was nearly doomed. Outside the beer hall, news of the putsch spread rapidly, and police forces and military units began mobilizing to restore order. In a desperate bid to consolidate his power, Hitler called for a march through Munich to demonstrate their strength and rally support. As Hitler and his small army of supporters marched, they found that the streets were not devoid of resistance. The local police had positioned themselves to intercept the march outside the Feldherrnhalle, a monument honoring Bavarian soldiers.

On the morning of November 9, 1923, the march reached its climax at the Feldherrnhalle. Thousands of onlookers gathered, some curious, others supportive, but many hostile. The police stood firm in their position, ready to defend the democratic order. The standoff led to a tense confrontation; as Hitler urged his followers to charge, the police opened fire. The sound of gunfire shattered the morning calm as chaos erupted. Several of Hitler's supporters were killed or wounded, and within moments, the coup imploded. Hitler himself was struck in the leg, falling to the ground amidst the pandemonium. Realizing that the putsch had failed, he attempted to flee, but it was too late. The police effectively quashed the attempted coup, capturing or killing many of the insurgents. The aftermath of the Beer Hall Putsch saw Hitler take on a fugitive role. He managed to evade capture initially, blending into the chaotic streets of Munich. However, this period of hiding was short-lived; only a few days later, he was arrested, along with other leaders of the coup.

Hitler was charged with treason, and his trial became a high-profile event that garnered significant media attention. Rather than hiding in shame, he used the platform as an opportunity to air his grievances against the Weimar Republic and express his vision for Germany's future. His articulate speeches captivated many Germans, allowing him to garner sympathy and support. While serving a sentence of five years at Landsberg Prison, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf, outlining his ideology, including themes of nationalism, anti-Semitism, and the concept of Lebensraum, or "living space." He firmly believed that the Aryan race was destined to rule and that the Treaty of Versailles had humiliated Germany. Although he was sentenced to five years, public opinion had shifted considerably by the time he was released after serving only nine months. Rather than being seen as a failed insurgent, he emerged as a national figure promising to restore Germany to its former glory. 

The Beer Hall Putsch was a significant turning point in both Hitler's life and the trajectory of Germany. Although the coup failed, it was instrumental in shaping the narrative that would help cement Hitler's power in the years to come. The putsch illuminated the vulnerabilities of the Weimar Republic and highlighted the growing discontent among the populace. In the years that followed, Hitler and the Nazi Party would work diligently to exploit the political instability and economic despair that plagued Germany. They used propaganda to rewrite the failure of the putsch as a noble attempt to save the nation from the hands of traitors and communists, ultimately transforming their image into that of saviors striving for national unity. The reverberations of the Beer Hall Putsch were felt far beyond its immediate aftermath. It paved the way for the Nazis to gain legitimacy and ultimately seize power in 1933, leading to one of history's darkest chapters, the rise of totalitarianism, brutal repression, and the horror of World War II. 

Now I want to shift back over to the German armed forces. In the 1920s, the Reichswehr was heavily involved in said putsches as well as others, suppressing them, and engaging playfully with the Republican government. When not occupied with these activities, the army focused on upholding a semblance of professionalism within its treaty-restricted forces. The Treaty of Versailles imposed strict limitations on the German military, here is a rough breakdown of said limitations. Germany's army was limited to 100,000 troops, significantly reduced from over 2 million before the war. This restriction aimed to curtail its capacity for large-scale mobilization. The treaty prohibited conscription, meaning that Germany could not draft citizens into military service, further limiting manpower. Germany was forbidden from possessing tanks, aircraft, and submarines. The treaty also restricted the size and armament of its naval forces to a fleet of six battleships. The Rhineland region was demilitarized, preventing German military presence in this strategically important area bordering France. Germany was prohibited from forming military alliances or participating in any future military collaboration that could threaten other countries.

Thus the Germa army was capped at 100,000 personnel, organized into seven infantry divisions and three cavalry divisions, intended to comprise the entire military with no trained reserves. However the state’s maintenance of the Freikorps clearly violated these restrictions, yet the Allies chose to ignore it. The general staff system, a hallmark of the Prussian and German armies since the Napoleonic era, was dismantled. In its place, German generals devised ways to retain the essence of the general staff without the official title. Among these generals, Hans von Seeckt and Walther Reinhardt were particularly influential in this effort. They successfully advocated for a more streamlined general staff system under the War Ministry’s Troop Office, allowing the new army to preserve its leadership and continue the professional development of its officers.

Now the previous podcast focused on the collaboration between the German and Soviet armies and their defense industries during the mid-1920s. This time, we will revisit this cooperation from the German viewpoint. The Soviets sought technical know-how, designs, and manufacturing equipment, while the Germans had different objectives. They were primarily interested in the Soviet Union's vast territory and its isolation from Western allies and their prying eyes. These characteristics provided the Germans with an opportunity to experiment with new concepts and formations without attracting attention to their rearmament efforts. Such experiments would lay the groundwork for mobile warfare tactics in the upcoming conflict.

Something very important to note about the German military at this time. During WW1, Germay engaged the entente powers in the western front, in what became known as trench warfare. WW1 trench warfare was characterized by the extensive use of trenches to protect soldiers from enemy fire and create a static front line. This warfare style emerged in 1914  on the Western Front, where opposing forces dug intricate networks of trenches, stretching from the North Sea to Switzerland. These trenches varied in depth and structure, including frontline, support, and reserve trenches, interconnected by communication trenches. Life in the trenches was harsh and brutal. Soldiers faced constant threats from enemy bombardments, sniper fire, and poison gas attacks, which introduced new horrors to battlefield conditions. They dealt with poor sanitation, mud, vermin, and extreme weather, leading to diseases like trench foot. The psychological toll was immense, as soldiers endured prolonged periods of boredom punctuated by intense periods of combat. Offensive strategies often resulted in heavy casualties due to the fortified nature of enemy positions. Notable battles, such as the Battle of the Somme and the Battle of Verdun, saw millions of soldiers become casualties while making little territorial gains. 

Now while this was almost the exclusive experience for Britain, France, other Entente powers in the western front, Germany als fought in the Eastern front. On the Eastern Front, the conflict did not devolve into trench warfare, as both the German and Russian armies engaged in a war of movement across vast distances. This experience granted the German leadership insights that were not accessible to their trench-bound Western allies. Research on operations in the East concluded that smaller, coordinated forces were more effective in combat than larger, uncoordinated ones. After the war, the Reichswehr expanded and refined its infiltration tactics. Chief Commander Hans von Seeckt noted that there had been too much emphasis on encirclement and highlighted the importance of speed instead. He played a key role in revising the Konzept von Bewegungskrieg “maneuver warfare: and its related Auftragstaktik “mission type tactics”, where commanders communicated their objectives to subordinates while allowing them the freedom to decide how to achieve those goals. The guiding principle was that "the higher the authority, the more general the orders"; it was up to lower levels to provide the necessary details. Executing higher-level orders was still bounded by the training doctrine of an elite officer corps. The delegation of authority to local commanders accelerated the pace of operations, significantly contributing to the success of German forces in the early stages of the war. Emphasizing the Prussian tradition of mobility, Seeckt transformed the German army into a more agile force and championed technological advancements that enhanced its capabilities, improving coordination among motorized infantry, tanks, and aircraft. Thus Germany kind of got the best of both worlds duing WW1 and heavily benefited from their wartime experience.

At the joint training center at Kama, the Reichswehr began testing armored maneuvers and recognized the critical role of radios in conducting these operations. This experience, combined with training exercises and war games held in Germany, contributed to the development of the combined motorized infantry and armor division doctrine. This innovative formation differed significantly from the armored forces of World War I but was still ahead of its time. As early as 1917, there had been some professional literature on this topic, particularly JFC Fuller’s presentations to the American Expeditionary Board, which outlined an early concept of combined arms mechanized cavalry units.

Throughout the 1920s, armies around the world explored the potential of larger armored units, but it remains unclear who originated the concept. What is evident is that the German army was experimenting with this idea at Kama by the late 1920s, although technological and industrial capabilities had not yet caught up with these intellectual pursuits. The exercises at Kama utilized the Leichttraktor, an experimental light tank with various designs produced by different manufacturers. These tanks were basic, even by the era's standards, and were never intended for combat, serving primarily as training vehicles. However, they did introduce integrated radios for tank use. The collaboration at Kama proved to be beneficial, enabling both armies to grasp essential lessons needed for the next war.

During the 1920s, the German army focused more on developing a theory of combined arms mobility than on creating any particular weapon system. They practiced and refined their concept of mobile warfare, where motorized infantry and cavalry would infiltrate deep into enemy territory, through army wargames. The officers aimed to foster a culture of offensive spirit at both tactical and operational levels. This approach contrasted sharply with the French military, which was beginning to adopt a defensive mindset that ultimately led to significant failures in World War II. While both armies had endured the harsh realities of trench warfare, they drew very different conclusions. The First World War taught the French that maintaining a strong, continuous defensive line was nearly impossible to achieve. In contrast, the Germans learned that constant movement was essential to countering the propensity of large armies to become entrenched in positional warfare. These conflicting perspectives arose from extensive debate shaped by each nation's experiences, cultures, and strategic outlooks. Throughout the 1920s, the Reichswehr sought to refine its tactics to align with the nation’s strategic objectives.

The German navy was effectively dismantled following its defeat in 1918. It faced losses in every significant battle, lost all major ships, and was restricted by treaties from even constructing its most effective weapon, the U-boat. During this period, there were two competing ideologies, as was common among European navies. Unlike in the Soviet Union, the German Navy did not have a clear winner among these ideologies. There was no single overarching doctrine guiding acquisitions and tactics. Instead, continuous competition created a fragmented fleet that was never fully committed to any one approach. The commerce raiding school, similar to the Jeune École doctrine discussed in the previous podcast, was further split into two factions: one advocating for heavy surface raiders and the other focusing on U-boats as the primary force. Many key figures throughout the interwar period supported the U-boat faction, with Admiral Hermann Bauer establishing its intellectual groundwork. Eventually, Karl Dönitz emerged as the leading proponent of the U-boat strategy, although his influence over the Navy's direction didn't significantly increase until the 1940s when Hitler sanctioned the Wehrmacht's commitment to submarines as a viable weapon.

The other faction within the commerce raiding school was known as the Kreuzerkrieg, or cruiser war. This concept was exemplified by the construction of the renowned Panzerschiffe in the late 1920s. These vessels were designed from the ground up to be fast, heavily armed commerce raiders capable of entering the Atlantic and beyond, causing disruption to global shipping. Interestingly, the Panzerschiff concept, which was thoroughly modernized, had its origins in the pre-Napoleonic era. The first ships of the US Navy were swift, heavily armed frigates meant to outpace slow ships of the line and target weaker merchant vessels and their escorts, just as the Panzerschiff would do 150 years later. This school of thought dominated German naval doctrine during the interwar years until Admiral Erich Raeder took command of the navy in 1928. Random side note here, over on my personal podcast, Echoes of War me and my co-host ran a 4 part series talking about who we thought were the best and worst Generals, Admirals and Air Commanders of WW2. Just wanted to say for Germany Erich Raeder certainly made the worst list, as he greatly hampered Germany’s U-boat develpment. If some of you listeners are World of Warship players like me, sure we love our Bismarcks, but boy oh boy what a collosal waste of mony for Germany. But I digress. From that point, the navy focused on developing Raeder's favored battleship fleet, reminiscent of the Imperial German Navy. His leadership saw the construction of the Scharnhorst and Bismarck classes and the design of the enormous H-class super battleships. These ambitious designs, some weighing as much as 140,000 tons, represented the ultimate vision of Raeder’s battleship navy.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

In post-World War I Germany, turmoil reigns as societal unrest ignites revolutionary fervor. Amidst political chaos, Hitler rises, promising restoration amidst disillusionment. The failed Beer Hall Putsch marks a turning point, catalyzing his ascent. As the fragile Weimar Republic grapples with internal strife, the Reichswehr evolves, foreshadowing future conflicts.

Last time we spoke about the Russian Revolutions and Russia’s experience during WW1.  In the early 20th century, Russia was a crumbling empire. After losing to Japan in 1905, revolution gripped the country, forcing Tsar Nicholas II to make concessions, but it was not enough. When Ww1 erupted in 1914, Russia eagerly joined, but suffered staggering losses. By 1917, the war had exacerbated Russia's internal problems, leading to another revolution. The Tsar was overthrown, and a Provisional Government was established, but it was weak and indecisive. Vladimir Lenin returned from exile and called for the Soviets to seize power. The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin and Trotsky, launched an uprising in Petrograd and overthrew the Provisional Government. The new Soviet government signed a peace treaty with Germany, ceding vast territories. This triggered a civil war between the Bolsheviks “Red Russians” and their opponents “White Russians”. The Allies intervened, supporting the White Russians, but the Red Army ultimately prevailed, establishing the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.

This episode is Prelude #2 The Russian Civil War

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

Welcome back to our second prelude episode. In this one we are going to focus on the beginning of the Russian Civil War and the emergence of the Red Army, Navy and Air Force. Following the signing of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, independence movements emerged throughout the former Russian Empire. Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine all experienced additional conflicts. I thought the best way to tackle this would be nation by nation for coherency, and who better to start with than Ukraine. 

Ukraine

Following the October Revolution, enemies of Bolshevism united under the White Movement. In the Don region, Generals Mikhail Alekseyev and Lavr Kornilov formed the Volunteer Army. Initially small, they were forced to retreat to the Kuban Cossack Host to avoid annihilation by the Red Guards. The Volunteer Army recruited Kuban Cossacks and attempted to recapture Yekaterinodar, but Kornilov was killed, and General Anton Ivanovich Denikin led a retreat. Peasant revolts against Soviet food requisitioning led to the formation of the Don Cossack Army under General Pyotr Krasnov, who collaborated with the Germans occupying Ukraine. The Germans provided military supplies, and by the fall of 1918, Krasnov's forces fought to reclaim their homeland, while Denikin's forces cleared the Kuban and North Caucasus of Soviet forces.

In January 1919, the Don Cossack Army merged with Denikin's forces to form the Armed Forces of South Russia, incorporating other armies. In the spring, the Volunteer Army launched an offensive, capturing Kharkiv, Kursk, and Oryol by October. Simultaneously, the Caucasian Army, led by Baron Pyotr Wrangel, captured Tsaritsyn. However, a Soviet counterattack in October recaptured Oryol, splitting the White forces and forcing them to retreat south. In February 1920, a Soviet offensive seized the North Caucasus, leading to a disastrous evacuation at Novorossiysk. Many soldiers and civilians were abandoned due to insufficient ships. Denikin handed authority to General Wrangel, who reorganized the forces into the Russian Army, establishing a power base in Crimea. Despite having considerable forces, Wrangel faced challenges in launching an offensive against Moscow.

In response to the February Revolution, the Central Rada was established, led by Mykhailo Hrushevsky. The Rada declared Ukraine autonomous in June 1917 and formed the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR) in November. The UPR faced internal revolts and external attacks. Red Guards captured Kharkiv in December, establishing a Ukrainian Soviet Republic (USR). In January 1918, the UPR declared independence from the Russian Soviet and war against the USR. The Red Army advanced towards Kyiv, facing resistance from a small UPR unit at the Battle of Kruty, where many schoolboys were killed. A Bolshevik uprising in Kyiv facilitated the Red Army's capture of the city in February, forcing the UPR government to flee.

In February 1918, the UPR signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with the Central Powers, ending its involvement in the Great War and gaining recognition of its sovereignty. In exchange for foodstuff, the Central Powers provided military aid. German and Austro-Hungarian forces, along with the Ukrainian People's Army led by Symon Petliura, pushed the Reds out of Ukraine and recaptured Kyiv in March. They then captured Left Bank Ukraine, Crimea, and the Donets Basin. However, the Central Powers were displeased with the UPR's land nationalization policies. In April, they disbanded the Central Rada, abolished the UPR, and installed the Ukrainian State with Pavlo Skoropadskyi as Hetman. A force under Field Marshall Herman von Eichhorn was established to defend Ukraine from Soviet aggression. The Russian Soviets reluctantly signed a separate Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, recognizing the Ukrainian State and withdrawing their troops. Skoropadskyi's government restored land to wealthy landowners and requisitioned food stocks, leading to an insurgency by former UPR and USR members. Von Eichhorn was assassinated in July. As Germany withdrew troops due to their impending defeat in WW1, a power vacuum emerged, leading to further conflict between the Russian Soviets, USR, UPR, Whites, foreign interventionists, and Anarchists. Petliura led an uprising that collapsed Skoropadskyi's government by October, and Skoropadskyi abdicated in December.

In October 1918, the Austro-Hungarian government collapsed, leading to the formation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR), which sought to unite West Ukraine Lands. In November, Captain Dmytro Vitovsky led the Sich Riflemen to seize Lviv, proclaiming it the capital of the WUPR and sovereignty over Eastern Galicia. This prompted the Second Polish Republic to declare war. The Polish Army captured Lviv in November, and by late November, the Poles controlled the railroad linking Lviv to central Poland, while the Ukrainians controlled the rest of Eastern Galicia. In January 1919, the UPR was reinstated and signed a Unification Act with the WUPR. A battle also emerged over Volhynia. The combined Ukrainian republics outnumbered the Poles, and by February, most of Eastern Galicia was under Ukrainian control. The Entente were divided on whether to support the Polish or Ukrainian claims, but France supported Poland. The Entente sent French General Joseph Barthélemy, who demanded a ceasefire and proposed a demarcation line that favored Ukraine, but the Ukrainians rejected the terms and resumed their offensive. The Poles organized a force that advanced upon Przemyśl in March, driving the Ukrainian forces away and securing Lviv. They then launched an offensive throughout Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, backed by French officers. In May, Romania opened a second front against southeastern Galicia. In June, General Oleksander Hrekov led a Ukrainian counteroffensive, but it drained the army of its ammunition and supplies. Józef Piłsudski assumed command of Polish forces and began a counteroffensive, driving the Ukrainian army and civilians into Central Ukraine. A stalemate emerged as the Treaty of Versailles handed Eastern Galicia to Poland.

After their defeat, Germany withdrew troops from Ukraine, prompting the Russian Soviets to annul the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and launch a full invasion of Ukraine in January 1919. Antonov-Ovseenko led the Red Army with the plan to capture Kharkiv, Kyiv, southern Ukraine, and the Black Sea coast. Germany's withdrawal also opened the Black Sea to the Entente, who dispatched forces to key cities and began aiding Denikin's Volunteer Army. However, they were met by Red forces allied with Otaman Nykyfor Hryhoriv, who seized Kherson in March and advanced upon Odessa. The demoralized Entente forces evacuated, leaving behind military materials. The Red Army then overran most of Eastern and Central Ukraine. Kyiv fell in February, and the USR was installed there, prompting the UPR to retreat into eastern Galicia. Meanwhile, the Red Army's front began to collapse in June 1919 due to heavy fighting in the Donbass and Don Region. Denikin's White Army launched an offensive, taking Kharkov. From late June to August, the White forces seized key cities in Ukraine, including Kyiv on August 31.

Ukraine found itself in a death triangle, at war with Poles, Reds, and Whites. The UPR initiated a guerilla-style Winter Campaign, winning battles against the Reds but failing to seize key cities. Forced into a small area near Polish-controlled territory, the UPR sought help from Poland. In return for military assistance, Petliura agreed to recognize the Polish annexation of Galicia, signing the Treaty of Warsaw with Piłsudski. The UPR and Polish armies launched a joint offensive against Kyiv in April 1920. The Polish 3rd Army overwhelmed the Soviet armies, and Kyiv was taken in May. Soviet General Mikhail Tukhachevsky then launched a counteroffensive, pushing the Polish Army out of Ukraine, except for Lviv. Tukhachevsky then launched an offensive against Warsaw, but lost a devastating battle. Meanwhile, Wrangel launched a campaign to retake Moscow, advancing from various directions and seizing key cities in Ukraine. By October, the Whites had reached Oryol, their closest point to Moscow.

Under the combined circumstances of their losses in Poland, the renewed White offensive, and economic conditions, the Russian Soviets sued for peace with Poland. In March 1921, the Treaty of Riga was signed between Poland, the Russian Soviet, and the USR. Poland recognized the USR and Belarus, formalized new borderlines, and withdrew Polish forces from territory east of Minsk. Having dealt with the Poles and UPR, the Soviets focused on the Whites. The Red Army launched an offensive into Crimea. Nestor Makhno's Revolutionary Insurgent Army, allied with the Russian Soviets and USR, fought Denikin's forces, seizing territory in Eastern Ukraine. In late October, the Red Army launched a counteroffensive, seizing Kursk in November and separating the White armies. The Red Army then overran Crimea, forcing Wrangel to evacuate the White forces to Constantinople in November 1920. Completely isolated in Polish territory, the UPR launched one last winter campaign in October 1921. Three groups penetrated central Ukraine to unify partisan groups. However, the groups were defeated, captured, or forced to retreat. With that, the war for Ukrainian independence was over.

Belarus

The initial Soviet advance was largely unopposed, closely following the retreating German forces. A Belarusian People's Republic had been established under German occupation since March 25, 1918, but it was vulnerable without German protection. Belarusians, along with Poles and Lithuanians, formed self-defense units in western Belarus, but these militias were dwarfed by their Soviet counterparts. From November 17 to December 10, the Red Army seized key cities such as Polotsk, Minsk, and Babruysk with little resistance. On January 1, 1919, the Soviets established the Soviet Socialist Republic of Byelorussia, as the demoralized self-defense units retreated into western Belarus. The Belarusian People's Republic could do little to resist, and the self-defense units eventually formed the 1st Lithuanian-Belarusian Division within the Polish Army. Belarus remained under Soviet occupation for two years, during which a planned uprising never materialized.

Estonia

Estonia declared independence on February 24, 1918. By November 11, the Estonian Army, under Major General Aleksander Tõnisson, consisted of a single division of 2,000 men with light weapons and 14,500 poorly armed men of the "Estonian Defence League." On November 28, the Soviet 7th Army and 6th Red Rifle Division attacked Narva, seizing the town. By the end of 1918, the Soviets controlled Estonia east of Tallinn, west of Taru, and south of Ainaži. On December 23, Colonel John Laidoner was appointed Commander-in-chief of the Estonian armed forces and initiated mass recruiting. He formed the 2nd Division, the Tartumaa Partisan Battalion, and the Kalevi Malev Battalion. On December 31, a British Royal Navy squadron arrived in Tallinn, delivering crucial supplies, including rifles, field guns, machine guns, and captured Soviet destroyers. A Finnish volunteer unit of 2,000 men arrived on January 2 to assist Estonia. With these reinforcements, the Estonian Army halted the Soviet advance by January 5 and launched a counter-offensive two days later. The 1st Estonian Division advanced 200 km, recapturing key cities like Tapa, Rakvere, and Narva. In the south, the 2nd Estonian Division, supported by the Tartumma Partisan Battalion and Finnish volunteers, captured Tartu, Valga, and Alūksne by mid-February. By Estonia's first independence day on February 24, their armed forces numbered nearly 20,000 men with 70 field pieces and 230 machine guns. The Soviets responded by establishing a new Estonian Red Army of 80,000 conscripts.

The Estonian Red Army captured Setomaa, Vastseliina, and Räpina by March 15, while the Soviet 7th Army concentrated on the southern front. On March 27, the new Estonian 3rd Division, under Major-General Ernst Põdder, deployed to defend Võru. The 2nd Estonian Division regained Petseri by March 29 and pushed the Estonian Red Army behind the Optjok River. By April 25, the Red Latvian Riflemen captured Rūjiena but were quickly dislodged by the 3rd Estonian Division. By the end of 1919, a new front emerged along the Salacgrīva-Seda-Gauja line. Estonia also allowed the formation of White Russian, Latvian, and Ingrian units in its territory. Bolstered, the Estonians aided the White Russians in pushing into Russia.

On May 13, the White Russian Northern Corps, supported by British and Estonian navies and marines, attacked Narva, annihilating the Soviet 6th Division. The Soviet 7th Army counterattacked, forming a new front along the Luga and Saba rivers. By May 25, the Estonians captured Pskov, destroying the Red Estonian Army and pushing the Soviets past the Velikaya River. To the south, the 2nd and 3rd Estonian Divisions advanced into northern Latvia, recapturing Alūksne and Valmiera by the end of May. On May 31, an Estonian Cavalry Regiment captured Gulbene, and by June 6, the 2nd Estonian Division crossed the Daugava River before seizing Jēkabpils, where they encountered the Baltische Landeswehr.

Latvia

On November 18, 1918, Latvia declared independence, becoming a republic headed by Kārlis Ulmanis. In December, the Soviets invaded Latvia, primarily using Red Latvian Riflemen. By January, they captured key cities, including Riga, and proclaimed a Latvian Socialist Soviet Republic on January 13. The Latvian provisional government and German troops withdrew to Liepāja. On January 15, the Latvian independent battalion halted the Soviet offensive at Lielauce, and on January 22, they seized Skrunda, establishing a new front near the river Venta. On February 18, Estonia allowed the Latvians to form the North Latvian Brigade in their territory. On March 3, the Latvians, with German and Estonian support, launched a counteroffensive, recapturing Takums and Jelgava, while the Freikorps seized Riga. By mid-June, the Soviets held only a small area of Latgale, but conflict arose between the Germans and Estonians. The Freikorps captured Straupe and Limbaži, and the Baltische Landeswehr and Iron Division attacked Cēsis to establish a Baltic-German state. On June 21, the Estonian 3rd Division counterattacked, driving the Germans back to Riga. As the Latvians marched to Riga, the Entente intervened on July 3, imposing an armistice between Latvia, Estonia, and the German units. The Landeswehr was incorporated into the Latvian Army, while the Iron Division and many Freikorps members joined the West Russian Volunteer Army led by Major General Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. In October, Bermondt-Avalov captured Riga, forcing the Latvian government to flee. Despite being outnumbered, the Latvian Army counterattacked on November 10, retaking Riga and Jelgava, and pushing the Western Russian Volunteer Army out of Latvia by early December, securing their homeland.

Lithuania

In February 1918, Lithuania declared independence, forming its first national government under Augustinas Voldemaras. As the Germans withdrew in November, the Lithuanians mobilized to defend their borders. However, on December 8, a Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic emerged in Vilnius, headed by Vincas Mickevičius-Kapsukas. Beginning on December 22, the Red Army captured two-thirds of Lithuania, facing only under-equipped partisan troops. The Soviet advance towards East Prussia prompted Germany to dispatch General Rüdiger von der Goltz with the Shaulen Brigade to aid the Lithuanian forces, led by Jonas Variakojis. Just before Kaunas was encircled, the German-Lithuanians repelled a major attack at Kėdainiai on February 8. They then launched an offensive, capturing Mažeikiai, Šėta, and Alytus, and annihilating the Soviet 7th Riflemen Regiment at the battle of Jieznas. By mid-March, they retook Kuršėnai, Šiauliai, and Radviliškis.

In April, the Lithuanians launched their first organized offensive towards Vilnius, taking Žąsliai and Ukmergė. However, on April 19, the Polish Army seized Vilnius from the Soviets, shifting the Lithuanian focus northeast. During that month, the Lithuanian Army reorganized under General Silvestras Žukauskas, forming the Vilkmergė and Panevėžys Groups. Beginning on May 17, the Vilkmergė group captured Kurkliai and Utena, while the Panevėžys Group took Panevėžys and Kupiškis. Throughout June and July, the Lithuanians continued to drive the Red Army back until they reached the Daugava River, bordering Latvia, where a front line stabilized. On July 12, Lithuania and the RSFSR signed a peace treaty, recognizing Lithuania’s independence, though Poland did not recognize this treaty.

Poland

In November 1918, the Second Polish Republic was established with Józef Piłsudski at its head. Poland was surrounded by warring neighbors. On December 7, Piłsudski incorporated Polish Self-Defense units in major cities into the Polish army. The Poles were overwhelmed by the Soviet 16th Army at Minsk and Vilnius. On February 13, the first major battle broke out near Byaroza, escalating the Polish-Soviet War. That month, a southern and northern front was established. In March, the Poles crossed the Neman River, capturing Pinsk. On April 16, Piłsudski led an offensive, capturing Lida, Novogrudok, and Vilnius by April 19. The Soviet 16th Army counterattacked on April 30 but was defeated by May 7. In the wake of their victory, the Polish General Stanisław Szeptycki formed a new Lithuanian-Belarusian Front on May 15.

On August 8, the Poles took Minsk, and on August 28, they deployed tanks for the first time against the Soviets at Babruysk. In September, Barysaw and Polotsk were taken, securing territory spanning the Daugava and Berezina Rivers. The Poles benefited from the Soviets' involvement in fighting White forces such as Anton Denikin’s Volunteer Army. Throughout 1919, Denikin pleaded with Piłsudski to join his offensive against Moscow, but Piłsudski refused, believing a better deal could be brokered with Bolshevik Russia. Some historians argue that if Poland had joined Denikin’s advance upon Moscow, the Bolsheviks might have lost the war. On January 3, 1920, Poland and Latvia formed an alliance, launching a joint offensive, taking the Soviet 15th Army by surprise and capturing Daugavpils within two days, severing communications between Lithuania and the Soviets. In March, General Władysław Sikorski initiated a new offensive in Polesia, driving a wedge between the Soviet forces in Belarus and Ukraine.

In April, Symon Petliura signed the Treaty of Warsaw, ceding claims over eastern Galicia and western Volhynia for Polish military assistance in regaining Kiev. By early 1920, the Polish armed forces had grown to 800,000 men with 20,000 Ukrainian allies. Meanwhile, Leon Trotsky reorganized the Red Army, which numbered 5 million men on paper, though only 12% were combat-worthy. The Red Army lacked logistics, communications, and supplies, and the Polish dominated the air war. On April 25, the Kiev offensive began with the objective of creating a Ukrainian state under Polish patronage. They overwhelmed the Soviet 12th and 14th armies, forcing them to withdraw past the Dnieper River. On May 7, the Polish-Ukrainian forces captured an abandoned Kiev. In response, Trotsky ordered General Mikhail Tukhachevsky to launch an offensive along the Belarusian front on May 14. The Soviets advanced 100 kilometers before the Poles counterattacked, retaking their territory by June 8. Meanwhile, Yegorov was reinforced and launched a counterattack into Ukraine on May 29, recapturing Kiev and breaking the Polish-Ukrainian front by June 10. The Polish-Ukrainian forces withdrew to western Ukraine, unable to support Poland’s long northern front, held by only 120,000 troops.

By July 4, Tukhachevsky had assembled the Soviet 3rd, 4th, 15th, and 16th armies, up to 300,000 men strong, with significant cavalry, artillery, and machine guns. The Soviets, with Lithuanian support, captured Mińsk, Vilnius, and Brest by the end of September. After crossing the Narew River on August 2, the Soviets had pushed the front 100 kilometers from Warsaw and dislodged the Poles almost entirely from Ukraine. Poland’s existence was threatened, leading to the recruitment of 170,000 new Polish troops. France began shipping military advisors, weaponry, artillery, and Renault FT tanks. Tukhechevsky planned to cross the Vistula River northwest of Warsaw and encircle the city. Joseph Stalin, appointed Commissar of the southwestern front, opted to attack Lwów instead of aiding Tukhachevsky’s assault on Warsaw, a decision that proved fateful. The Poles had also decrypted Soviet radio messages, discovering their battle plan. 

On August 12, the assault on Warsaw began as Piłsudski designed a trap, allowing Tukhachevsky’s forces to advance north while he built a counteroffensive in the south. On August 14, the Polish 5th Army counterattacked over the Wkra River, pushing the Soviet 3rd and 15th armies away from Warsaw using Blitzkrieg-like tactics, disrupting the Soviet northern envelopment maneuver. On August 16, Piłsudski unleashed his southern attack, severing the communication and supply lines of the Soviet 16th Army. With a large gap opened between the Soviet fronts, the Polish unleashed an all-out assault. By August 18, Tukhachevsky realized his folly and ordered a retreat, but the situation was beyond salvage. The Poles pursued the enemy until August 25, taking 50,000 prisoners as 45,000 fled into Prussia. The Soviets suffered significant casualties, while the Poles also endured losses. The Poles recaptured Grodno, Lida, and Minsk, reforming a new front line. Piłsudski’s victory at Warsaw became known as the Miracle on the Vistula.

Finland

In the twilight of 1917, as the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) was taking shape, Finland seized its chance, becoming the first republic to declare independence on December 6th, under the leadership of Pehr Evind Svinhufvud. However, this watershed moment was quickly followed by the eruption of a bloody civil war, further complicated by the Entente allies' intervention in North Russia, aiming to supplant the Red revolution with a White counterrevolution.

The Finnish Civil War pitted two formidable forces against each other: the Red Finns and the White Finns. The Red Finnish state, known as the Finnish Socialist Workers Republic (FSWR), was established on January 29th, led by Kullervo Manner. Their Red Guards, initially 40,000 strong under Ali Aaltonen, swelled to a possible 100,000, including 2,600 female fighters. Despite their numbers, they were plagued by inadequate equipment, provisions, training, and a clear command structure. The Red commander-in-chief would change hands three times until April 10th when Kullervo Manner took the mantle. Ali Aaltonen was replaced on 28 January 1918 by Eero Haapalainen as commander-in-chief. He, in turn, was displaced by the Bolshevik triumvirate of Eino Rahja, Adolf Taimi and Evert Eloranta on 20 March. The last commander-in-chief of the Red Guard was Kullervo Manner, from 10 April until the last period of the war when the Reds no longer had a named leader. They acquired weapons from the RSFSR, with Ali Aaltonen managing to purchase 15,000 rifles, machine guns, artillery pieces and 2 million cartridges from the Bolsheviks in February of 1918 to arm the Reds.

Conversely, the White Provisional Government's White Guards, led by General Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, comprised volunteer Civil Guards, 1,450 soldiers from a Jäger battalion, a professional staff of 84 Swedish volunteer officers, and former Finnish officers from the Tsar’s army. The Jägers, trained in Germany since 1915, served as officers and instructors, forming the core of the White military. Initially, the White Guards numbered 15,000, but conscription increased their ranks to 60,000, with 25% serving as frontline troops. While the Reds received support from the Bolsheviks, the Whites were backed by Sweden and Germany. Both sides acquired around 100,000 rifles, 400 machine guns, and a few hundred artillery pieces, with the Russian 7.62mm Mosin–Nagant Model 1891 rifle and Maxim machine gun being the most common weapons. The war was primarily fought along railways, which were crucial for troop and supply transport.

The Reds seized the initiative in late January, refusing to recognize the new government and capturing Helsinki, Kotka, Turku, and most of southern Finland, forcing the White government to relocate to Vaasa. Despite being decently armed, the Reds suffered from a lack of skilled leadership, resulting in an uncoordinated chain of command and a failure to capitalize on their initial momentum. By February, a discontinuous front line divided the Reds and Whites across southern Finland.

On March 16th, General Mannerheim launched an offensive to encircle the Reds at the Tavastia front before assaulting Tampere, Finland's major industrial city. The Reds collapsed under Mannerheim’s attacks, retreating to Tampere. Mannerheim gradually laid siege to Tampere, cutting off the Red’s connections southward at Lempäälä and westward at Siuro, Nokia, and Ylöjärvi by March 25th. On the 28th, 17,000 Whites stormed the city, facing 14,000 Reds in brutal street-to-street combat, concentrated in the areas of Kalevankangas Cemetery and the Hippodrome in the eastern outskirts of Tampere. The conscripted troops suffered terrible losses, with total casualties amounting to roughly 50%, forcing them to reorganize their battle plans. Mannerheim was compelled to deploy some of his best-trained Jäger detachments. On April 3rd, the Whites assaulted the districts of Tammela and Kyttälä, fighting house to house until they reached the Tammerkoski river which divided the town in two. The next morning, they crossed the river, capturing the western part of the city and forcing its surrender by the 6th. The White Army captured 12,000 prisoners after suffering 900 casualties, while the Reds suffered 2,000 casualties.

Germany intervened on behalf of the Whites, dispatching the 10,000-man-strong German Baltic Sea Division led by Colonel Tschirschky und Bögendorff on April 3rd. They attacked Helsinki on the 12th, supported by 2,000 underground White Guards against 7,000 mostly inexperienced Red reserves who had no defensive lines or barricades and were fighting within single buildings and blocks. From 6 to 9 am the Germans broke through over the hill of Tilkka, pushing onwards to take the Pasila railway station before entering the city at 1:30 pm. Bögendorff then formed two units, attacking along Mannerheimintie street and through the Hietalahti district, while a third squad entered the city from the Pasila railway line. By 5:30 pm the Germans reached the Erottaja square where they took the Swedish Theatre and marched over the Pitkäsilta bridge using capitulated Reds as human shields. Meanwhile there was a fierce battle in the Helsinki Railway station and Kluuvi district and at 7 pm German Marines landed at Katajanokka quickly entering Kruununhaka district. A battle over the Red headquarters at the Smolna building raged until 7 am where 500 Reds surrendered. Fighting would remain until 2 pm when a white flag was raised over the Kallio Church tower. Over the course of the battle over 10,000 Reds and their families fled the area. The Reds had suffered up to 2,000 casualties with 6,000 taken prisoner, 400 executed, and the Germans and whites had suffered 77 deaths.

After taking Helsinki, the Germans continued north towards Tuusula, Kerava, and Hyvinkää. The 95th Brigade led by Major General Konrad Wolf attacked Hyvinkää, defended by only 500 Reds, mostly holding positions along the Hanko railway. At 7 am on April 21st, the Germans bombarded the city, followed by an infantry assault. The Reds repelled the first breakthrough attempt, but the Germans soon crossed the Vantaa River, striking into their rear. The Reds withdrew to the Hyvinkää railway station, pursued by the Germans who attacked the railway station from 3 different directions. Fighting house to house, the Reds began evacuating their families and civilians. Hyvinkää fell by 5 pm seeing the Germans suffer 21 deaths and the Reds 50, with numerous civilians killed or wounded.

Meanwhile, the Brandenstein detachment landed in Loviisa on April 12th and advanced north to attack Lahti along the Loviisa–Vesijärvi railway. There, 800 Red Guards and 10,000 armed refugees were dug in over Salpausselkä ridge, giving up the city without a fight. On the 20th, a White Division led by Major Kalm entered Lahti greeting the Germans. On the 21st, the Reds began a counterattack primarily against Okeroinen using an armored train. Red artillery bombarded the city from the 23rd to the 29th, with the Germans retaliating from positions at the hospital and Whites fighting house to house. The leaderless Reds with no chain of command, facing German veterans utterly failed to breach any lines. By the 30th, the Germans recaptured Okeroinen and began encircling the Red forces at Hennala. On May 1st, after suffering 600 casualties, the Reds fled the city leaving behind 30,000 refugees, many of whom were their family members. The German and Whites only suffered 84 deaths.

The Reds established a new capital at Viipuri on April 9th, defended by roughly 5,000 Red soldiers and 7,000 armed refugees, led by Colonel Oskar Rantala. The White Army formed an 18,300-man-strong Eastern Army, consisting of 3 regiments under the overall command of Major General Ernst Löfström. The attack began on the 19th encircling Viipuri from the west, north and east. On the 23rd, Colonel Aufeld cut the Petrograd railway in Raivola, severing Viipuri from the RSFSR. That night the Red General staff ordered all forces in the Karelian front to pull back into the city as the Red Government fled for Petrograd by sea. Then the last remaining Red leader, Edvard Gylling, divided the forces into 3 units to defend the northern, western and eastern approaches to Viipuri. On the 24th, Colonel Ulrich von Coler led a company to capture the last 3 railway stations leaving the only escape by sea. That night underground White forces activated, seizing the artillery fort at Patterinmäki Hill and many governmental buildings, but were unable to hold them and surrendered the following morning. On the 25th the White regiments simultaneously stormed the city, with their conscription suffering heavy casualties. At noon on the 27th, White artillery destroyed the Patterinmäki Fort allowing them to gradually take the city fighting street to street until the 29th, whence 1000 Reds managed to break out of the siege losing 500 in the process. The Whites forces had suffered 400 deaths with up to 1000 wounded, the Reds had suffered roughly 500 deaths, without similar wounded. After taking the city the Whites executed 1200 suspected Reds, including 420 Russians at the Annenkrone fort. This is known as the Viipuri Massacre.

The Red government was now exiled in Petrograd as Red troops and refugees were encircled by White and German forces. The Red Guards made last stands at Kouvola and Kotka, but by May 15th, the war ended when White forces captured Fort Ino, a Russian coastal artillery base on the Karelian Isthmus, from the Russian troops. There was no armistice nor credible negotiations between the Whites and Reds. It is estimated the White Guards suffered 3,414 deaths and the Reds 5,199, with tens of thousands on both sides wounded due to combat. Both the Whites and Reds performed terror campaigns seeing the execution and death to prison camps of 1,424 Whites and 7,370 Reds. Altogether the civil war saw nearly 40,000 die, 15,000 children were orphaned, tens of thousands were sent into prison camps or fled the country.

In late 1917, the Entente stockpiled war materials in Archangel and Murmansk under guard of the British North Russia Squadron. Following the German invasion of the RSFSR in February 1918 and the German-White Finnish capture of Pechenga, the RSFSR requested the Entente powers land forces in Murmansk to aid them. An international contingent, led by Lt General Frederick Poole, began landing in North Russia on March 4th. The British supported the Red Army against the White Finns, recapturing Pechenga by May 11th. However, Soviet-Entente relations swiftly turned from distrust to open hostility as the Red Army began fighting to regain control over the Murmansk-Petrograd railway. After the armistice of November 11th, re-establishing the Eastern Front became irrelevant, prompting the Entente to support a White Russia restoration.

On August 2nd, 1918, White Russian Forces led by Captain Georgi Chaplin staged a coup in Archangel in coordination with the Entente who landed 1500 French and British forces under fire to quickly capture the city. A Northern Region Government was erected under Chaplin and on 17th the Entente began an offensive south along the Archangel-Vologda railway. Meanwhile, an Entente naval force began navigating and fighting Soviet gunboats along the Vaga and Northern Dvina. By 1919 Shenkursk, Vysokaya and Nizhnyaya were the southernmost positions held by the Entente. Despite this in late May Britain landed the 3500 man strong North Russian Relief Force who launched a desperate offensive against the key city of Kotlas, hoping to link up with the Kolchak White force in Siberia. However Kolchak’s men were pushed back, forcing the offensive to be canceled. By July nearly all the non-British troops had departed North Russia and on the 20th, 3,000 White Russians mutinied at the key city of Onega, handing it over to the Reds. While withdrawing, a final offensive on the Dvina and Murmansk front was launched in August aimed at destroying enough Red forces to give the Whites a chance at victory. In September the Red Army attacked Archangel and Murmansk from all sides as the last Entente troops departed on September 27th and on October 12th. Without the Entente support the White Russian Northern Army collapses under Red Army offensives by December of 1919.

On October 14th, 1920, Finland and Soviet Russia signed the Treaty of Tartu, establishing borders. However, a movement sprang up in Eastern Karelia, secretly supported by Finland who dealt them arms. On November 6th, 1921, the rebels began taking up positions in Repola. 20,000 Red Russians and Finns led by Major General Alexander Sedyakin attacked them in December, easily pushing the rebels over the Finnish border. Hundreds of casualties were incurred on both sides as 30,000 East Karelians fled for Finland. It was to be the last battle of the northern front. Against incredible odds, the RSFSR had survived a possible German-Finnish invasion and an Entente-White Russian insurrection, solidifying her control over the north.

The Soviet Government managed to endure this tumultuous period, although they achieved few lasting victories between 1917 and 1921. They successfully secured Ukraine and Belarus but were unable to subdue Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, or Poland. The Caucasus region was split between the Turks, who took parts of Georgia, and the Soviets, who unified Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia into the Transcaucasian Socialist Federalist Republic. This Republic was soon incorporated into the newly formed United Soviet Socialist Republics. In Central Asia, the Soviets established three republics, which were also absorbed into the USSR. The Bukharan, Khorezmian, and Abkhazian Republics were short-lived but emerged from the remnants of the former Central Asian territories of the Imperial government. The Soviet government continued to combat the White Russians until 1922, when an uneasy peace finally settled over the ruins of the old Empire. The disintegration of the Tsar’s realm was a violent process that lasted over five years. During this time, millions of people, primarily civilians, lost their lives, and many more were displaced. New governments emerged, exhibiting varying degrees of support and hostility toward their citizens, while others struggled to survive. Eastern Europe eventually found peace, albeit years later than the rest of the continent in resolving its conflicts.

These wars significantly accelerated the professionalization of the Red Army during its early years. In March 1918, Leon Trotsky was appointed to oversee the establishment of the Red Army. His push for a permanent military force contradicted established Marxist ideology, which theoretically opposed all state institutions, including the military. Trotsky's vigor and innovative approach as the People’s Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs were crucial in the early development of the Red Army. He was not alone in this task; Stalin also played a significant role in the party's efforts to build the army. Although he often opposed Trotsky, he wielded considerable authority and used it to shape the army according to his preferences, placing his allies in key positions whenever possible.

The Red Army wasn't established overnight; rather, it developed gradually throughout the 1920s. Initially, it consisted of a large group of undisciplined and politically unreliable troops who had combat experience but lacked a coherent command structure. There was minimal organization, a scarcity of professional leaders, and limited intellectual diversity among the top ranks. Addressing these challenges required considerable time and effort from the state, along with the collaboration of the army's most capable individuals. This transformation occurred through various events, influenced by multiple factors that contributed to the Army's professionalization. 

The leadership vacuum that emerged at the onset of the civil war enabled junior officers and relatively inexperienced young men to ascend to prominent positions, breaking the intellectual stagnation that had developed within the upper ranks of the Imperial Army. This influx of new talent in the officer corps facilitated the introduction of innovative ideas regarding warfare throughout the institution. As a result, individuals like Tukhachevsky, Rokossovsky, Zhukov, Vasilevsky, and Timoshenko were able to showcase their abilities. All of these figures would eventually achieve the rank of Marshal of the Soviet Union. Their intellectual insights and personal leadership were crucial for the future of the Red Army. The fact that many of these future Marshals had previously served as Non-Commissioned Officers in the Imperial Army was not coincidental. Trotsky had implemented a policy of actively recruiting them as junior officers, believing they embodied the Marxist ideal of humble social backgrounds while also possessing essential practical experience in military leadership and management.

The second key factor that significantly contributed to the professionalization of the Red Army in the 1920s was its comprehensive reorganization led by Trotsky, Stalin, and Mikhail Frunze. A major initiative was the establishment of a general staff-like system called the All-Russian Supreme Staff, which included departments for training, mobilization, topography, logistics, planning, and administration. This body would serve as the highest military authority in the government, with Trotsky at its helm. In 1921, this staff evolved into the Red Army Staff. However, Trotsky's attempts to formalize a command-and-control structure faced criticism for contradicting the fundamental principles of Marxist ideology, primarily from Joseph Stalin. Stalin contended that Trotsky's centralized military bureaucracy was inefficient and disconnected the Army from the people's control. This conflict reached a peak in March 1919 during the eighth Party Congress in Moscow, where delegates debated the Army's organization for three days, resulting in a stalemate. Trotsky was permitted to maintain his system, but it was subjected to several reforms, the most crucial of which was the enhancement of political oversight over the All-Russian Supreme Staff. From then on, commissars would jointly evaluate all officer candidates alongside representatives from the personnel department of the All-Russian Supreme Staff, ensuring political control over the officer corps and fostering loyalty to the regime. Following this, the existence of the General Staff was seldom questioned, with further discussions focusing on the extent of political control within the staff and the Army's role in the state.

The third factor contributing to the Red Army's increasing professionalization during this period was the abandonment of the militia system as a peacetime substitute for the regular army established to fight in the civil war. Mikhail Frunze and Mikhail Tukhachevsky emerged as the main opponents of a militia-based military. Although Trotsky had previously supported a regular army, he now advocated for the militia. Demobilization of the Army began as early as 1921, creating a backdrop for fierce internal conflicts regarding the army's future structure as an institution. These conflicts were primarily political in nature. Trotsky sought to counter the rising influence of Stalin and his supporters while also addressing the demands of military leaders who favored a regular army. Ultimately, he failed on both counts. Stalin rose to power, eventually ousting Trotsky, and the Army was regularized, though in a mixed form for several years. Beginning in 1922, the Red Army began receiving regular budget allocations and approval for a formal organizational structure. This structure would undergo several changes in the following years, as the army became a tool for political maneuvering. Overall, the Red Army remained stable from this point until the purges of the 1930s, which will be discussed shortly.

The final significant factor is the early collaboration between the Red Army and its German counterpart, the Reichswehr. This partnership went beyond mere observation of military maneuvers or technical advice; it evolved into a deeply rooted policy initiative for both governments. Their cooperation included the development of equipment, tactics, and even industrial capabilities, affecting all three branches of their respective militaries and becoming a crucial aspect of the narrative surrounding the Second World War. This army-level collaboration began in the early 1920s, reaching its peak with the establishment of a joint armored warfare school at Kama in 1926. This institution became the foundation for the Soviet and German theories of mobile warfare, which were developed during the interwar period and later implemented with devastating effectiveness in the Second World War.

In addition to the Red Army, the Russian Civil War led to the establishment of the Red Air Force and the conversion of the Imperial Navy into the Red Navy. The civil war primarily involved ground battles, resulting in minimal involvement from the other two branches. The Red Air Force had been nominally established shortly after the October Revolution, but its presence was limited, with fewer than 350 operational aircraft available in 1919. Although there were hundreds more in reserve, many lacked engines or were deemed unserviceable for various reasons. By 1924, this situation began to improve. A joint training school for pilots was established with the Germans in Lipetsk, transforming the small, outdated airfield into a modern facility complete with hangars, repair shops, and even a hospital. The collaboration between the Red Air Force and Germany proved beneficial for both parties. Eventually, Junkers set up a large factory in the suburbs of Moscow for producing aircraft engines and airframes. However, this partnership faced challenges, and Junkers withdrew from the agreement by 1926. Nonetheless, the mere existence of this collaboration highlighted the extent to which both air forces and their governments were striving to work together.

The reorganization of the Red Airforce commenced in earnest in 1924, emphasizing a clear distinction between frontline operations and rear administrative roles, which included specialized commands for naval and land-based aviation. The land-based aviation structure was to be split into 'strategic' and 'Corps' commands. The strategic command would oversee interceptors, heavy and light bombers, and reconnaissance units, while the Corps command would concentrate on army collaboration, tactical reconnaissance, and artillery observation. The naval aspect was intended to incorporate interceptor, reconnaissance, and mine-laying squadrons. Establishing this new structure took time, but efforts to address manpower and equipment issues were pursued vigorously.

The Navy garnered immediate attention following the October Revolution, largely due to the pivotal role its sailors played in the power takeover. However, this attention was limited to the Bolshevik officials taking control of the Navy's structures to maintain political oversight over its members and avert any potential uprisings against the regime. Significant reforms aimed at transforming the Navy would not be pursued until well after the civil war, focusing on removing unreliable Imperial officers and dismantling the old control systems. Additionally, efforts would concentrate on shaping the enlisted sailors into a disciplined force. In 1924, these reforms began in earnest, primarily concerning personnel decisions and command structures, as budget constraints hindered more extensive changes at that time. The foremost priority was to reestablish political reliability.

As part of a broader initiative to politicize the military, doctrinal discussions commenced, reflecting the political implications seen in Army debates. Within the Red Navy, two schools of thought emerged, paralleling the ongoing militia versus standing army discussions. The traditional school, comprising some former Tsarist officers and older Bolsheviks, advocated for a large navy inspired by American theorist Alfred Thayer Mahan. Alfred Thayan Mahan was a turn of the century American Naval theorist who popularized the idea of the decisive role of the fleet battle in naval affairs. Over time the big-gun battleship fleet as the tool for the decisive battle came to represent Mahan’s ideas. His work was influenced by Jomini’s conception of strategic points and by British naval history. His ideas were developed and put into practice by all of the major combatants in WW1. They believed that a powerful fleet of battleships focused on decisive battles would allow the revolution to spread globally while countering challenges to Soviet naval supremacy.

In contrast, the young school firmly opposed these ideas. Influenced by the French Jeune d’École and British naval historian Julian Corbett, they contended that achieving control of the high seas, as suggested by Mahan, was unattainable. The Jeune d’Ecole doctrine (literally the young school) was a doctrinal movement in French Naval circles that was centered around commerce raiding rather than the decisive battle as proposed by Mahan. Julian Corbett developed a theory of naval power that centered on the control of shipping lanes both in the offensive and defensive manners. Corbett was influenced by the Juene Ecole and popularized the idea of commerce raiding in smaller navies around the world. This was represented by the Kriegsmarine’s attempt at commerce raiding in WW2, as seen in the construction of the Panzerschiff and the later Battlecruisers Gneisenau and Scharnhorst. Instead, they argued that the Soviet Navy should aim to secure control over the critical maritime approaches to its ports. The narrow passages of the Baltic Sea were ideal for the smaller, lighter raiding vessels favored by the young school. By 1930, the debate reached a conclusion. Tukhachevsky, as chief of staff of the Red Army, strongly backed the young school, and his influence prevailed. However, this victory came at a significant cost: the new Red Navy would be entirely subordinated to the Army, lacking the status of a first-class power and being dependent on the Army for budgets, strategic priorities, and operational matters. While the young school achieved their desired doctrine, their Navy was now required to serve the interests of the Army.

Efforts to initiate a technical overhaul of the Navy began in 1925, including outreach to the German Navy for support. In 1926, German and Soviet officers established a technical collaboration focused on submarine command, construction, and engine development. Later that year, a German naval mission visited the Soviet Navy and its facilities, marking a significant step in cooperation between the two navies and leading to the transfer of several U-boat designs. This German mission in 1926 was reciprocated in 1930 with a tour of Germany’s latest naval innovation, the Panzerschiff A. Panzerschiff A was a secret project of the German navy to develop a raiding cruiser. Panzerschiff A became the KMS Deutschland, before being renamed to the KMS Lutzow. The Royal Navy would dub the Deutschland class ships “pocket battleships” for their large caliber main armament, relatively small size and high speed. These developments reflected the strengthening ties between the Soviet and German militaries, laying the foundation for increased cooperation between their governments in the following decade.

I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.

Following the Russian Revolution and World War I, the Russian Civil War erupted, with independence movements arising across the former empire. This led to conflicts in Ukraine, Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Finland. The Red Army emerged and underwent professionalization through leadership changes, reorganization, and collaboration with Germany.

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. 

The eastern front is ompf. One could describe it as a cataclysm of competing ideologies, armies and unimaginable human suffering. The scale of the horror defies comprehension, millions were thrown into a meat grinder, fueled by totalitarian brutality. Cities were burned, bodies were frozen, entire swathes of peoples were ground into dust.

For those of you coming here from the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, Pacific War week by week podcast or Echoes of war, well welcome back folks. For you newbies, my name is Craig, I specialize in the Pacific War, a pretty comparable theater in terms of human suffering. I am by no means a specialist on the Eastern Front of WW2, like many of you I too will be an avid learner as we tackle this fascinating and tragic part of history week by week. However, to toss you right into operation barbarossa would be pretty rough to say the least, we need a basis for how the Eastern front came to be, thus prelude episodes everybody!

 

This episode is Prelude #1 The Russian Revolution and Russian Civil War.

In the early 20th century, Russia was a vast empire grappling with profound social, political, and economic turmoil. The seeds of discontent were sown in the late 19th century, as rapid industrialization transformed the country. Factories sprang up, drawing peasants from the countryside into the cities, where they faced grueling working conditions, low wages, and long hours. The burgeoning urban working class began to organize, inspired by revolutionary ideas and the promise of a better life. The Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) was a catalyst for violent revolution. Russia's defeat by Japan, a nation often viewed as inferior, shattered the myth of Russian superiority and exposed the weaknesses of the Tsarist regime. The war drained resources and morale, leading to widespread dissatisfaction among soldiers and civilians alike. As the war dragged on, food shortages and rising prices fueled anger, and the populace began to demand change.

On January 22, 1905, a pivotal event known as "Bloody Sunday" ignited the revolution. A peaceful march led by Father Gapon, a priest advocating for workers' rights, aimed to present a petition to Tsar Nicholas II. The marchers, carrying icons and singing hymns, were met with gunfire from the imperial guard. Hundreds were killed or wounded, and the massacre shocked the nation. This brutal response turned many Russians against the Tsar, who had previously been seen as a paternal figure.

In the wake of Bloody Sunday, strikes erupted across the country, and revolutionary fervor spread like wildfire. Workers, peasants, and even soldiers began to organize into councils known as "soviets." These grassroots organizations demanded better working conditions, land reforms, and political representation. The unrest was not limited to the cities; rural areas saw peasant uprisings as landless farmers sought to claim land from wealthy landowners. The Tsar, realizing the gravity of the situation, issued the October Manifesto, which promised civil liberties and the establishment of a legislative assembly, the Duma. However, the reforms were half-hearted and failed to satisfy the growing demands for genuine political change. The Duma was limited in power, and the Tsar retained significant authority, leading to further disillusionment among the populace.

As the revolution waned, the underlying issues remained unresolved. The social and economic inequalities persisted, and the political landscape was still dominated by autocracy. The revolution of 1905 did not bring about the sweeping changes many had hoped for, but it set the stage for future upheaval. The discontent simmered beneath the surface, creating a volatile environment that would ultimately contribute to the larger and more violent Russian Revolution of 1917. By the time World War I erupted in 1914, Russia was a nation on the brink. The unresolved grievances from the 1905 revolution, coupled with the strains of war, would lead to a catastrophic collapse of the Tsarist regime. The events of 1905 were a harbinger of the profound changes that lay ahead, marking a significant turning point in Russian history and the eventual rise of revolutionary movements that would reshape the nation forever.

In the summer of 1914, as Europe plunged into the Great War, Russia found itself thrust into the Eastern Front, a vast and sprawling battlefield stretching over 1,600 kilometers. Tsar Nicholas II's empire, eager to expand its influence in the Balkans, mobilized its massive army, totaling 115 infantry and 38 cavalry divisions, against both Germany and Austria-Hungary. Initially, Russia's strategy was aggressive, launching offensives into East Prussia against the Germans and Galicia against the Austro-Hungarians. In East Prussia, General Yakov Zhilinsky, with superior numbers, aimed for a swift victory. However, the Germans, under the command of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, orchestrated a devastating counterattack at the Battle of Tannenberg, encircling and annihilating General Aleksandr Samsonov’s Second Army. Samsonov, overwhelmed by the defeat, committed suicide.

Meanwhile, in Galicia, the Russian armies achieved initial successes against Austria-Hungary, capturing Lemberg and collapsing the Austro-Hungarian front. However, these victories were short-lived. Germany, recognizing the vulnerability of its ally, transferred forces to the east, and with combined efforts, pushed the Russians back towards Warsaw. As 1915 dawned, the Eastern Front transformed into a brutal war of attrition. Despite staggering losses, Tsar Nicholas II refused to negotiate peace, instead taking personal command of the Russian forces. The Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive, launched by the Central Powers, resulted in massive Russian territorial losses and casualties, but failed to knock Russia out of the war. In 1916, the situation worsened for Russia. The Brusilov Offensive, a desperate attempt to relieve pressure on the Western Front and Italy, initially achieved spectacular gains against Austria-Hungary. However, lacking reserves and facing counterattacks led by German General Alexander von Linsingen, the offensive stalled, resulting in catastrophic casualties. 

By January of 1917 Russia had suffered 6 million casualties. Instead of improving the situation, entering the great war exacerbated all the underlying problems of the ailing empire and caused such a slaughter of her people it would help usher in another revolution. The military, now filled with peasants, the working class, and political radicals, had lost faith in the Tsar. The liberal-dominated Duma persistently urged the Tsar to implement constitutional reforms, but he consistently refused. Having alienated the common people, the military, and the elites, the Tsar found himself without allies. By 1917, millions of war refugees had poured in from German-occupied areas, leaving the home front in disarray. During her 17 months in power, the Tsarina oversaw the appointment of four Prime Ministers, five Ministers of the Interior, three War Ministers, three Foreign Ministers, four Ministers of Agriculture, and three Ministers of Transport. The public sensed that famine was imminent. The situation became so dire that Mikhail Rodzianko, the president of the Duma, along with Grand Duchess Marie Pavlovna and British ambassador Sir George Buchanan, jointly recommended that the Tsarina be removed from decision-making, but the Tsar ignored their advice. With Rasputin dead, it became evident to everyone that the Tsar and Tsarina were the real issues.

On March 3rd, workers at the Putilov Factory, the largest plant in Petrograd, announced a strike. Meanwhile, tens of thousands of train cars filled with food and coal were stranded on the tracks as the Tsar left for the front on March 7th. The following day, strikers celebrated International Women’s Day, leading to bread riots throughout the city. Women marched from factory to factory, urging workers to join the strike, and soon their numbers swelled to 50,000. Men and women filled the streets, demanding an end to the war and the monarchy. By the next day, their ranks had grown to 200,000, and by the 10th, nearly all industries in Petrograd had come to a halt. Alarmed, the Tsar sent a telegram to General Khabalov, the commander of the Petrograd garrison, ordering him to disperse the rioters by force. Although there were about 180,000 troops available in Petrograd, most were either untrained or wounded. Only 12,000 were deemed reliable, but they hesitated to act against the protestors, many of whom were women. Some troops refused to cooperate, opting to hide, while a few even joined the rioters. In the afternoon, the 4th company of the Pavlovsky Reserve Regiment engaged in a firefight with mounted police until they were disarmed by the Preobrazhensky Regiment. This marked the first instance of open mutiny within the Petrograd garrison. Rodzianko informed the Tsar of the situation, prompting the Tsar to dissolve the Duma and appoint Alexander Protopopov as dictator.

The following day, 25,000 soldiers occupied the Duma, where some delegates formed a Provisional Committee led by Rodzianko. They immediately demanded Protopopov's resignation and dissolved the Council of Ministers. That night, General Khabalov confronted a city overrun by revolutionaries who were burning buildings, looting, arming themselves from the arsenal, and freeing prisoners. The majority of the garrison mutinied, joining the revolutionaries and distributing over 40,000 rifles to them. Several government buildings were set ablaze, insubordinate troops were shot, and many either hid or sided with the rioters, leading to the collapse of the garrison's ability to restore order. On the 12th, the Provisional Committee declared itself the governing body of the empire in an effort to restore law and order. At the same time, socialist political parties re-established the Petrograd Soviet to represent soldiers and workers. The Tsar attempted to leave Mogilev the next day but was unable to reach Petrograd due to revolutionary control of the railway stations. On the 14th, the Tsar arrived in Pskov and, under strong advice, abdicated the throne. The next day, Rodzianko formed the Provisional Government in collaboration with the Petrograd Soviet, despite opposition from the Bolsheviks. At 3 PM, Nicholas II nominated his brother, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich, to take the throne, but he declined, knowing he would lack support. On the 16th, the Romanov dynasty officially came to an end. Most of the Romanov family sought refuge in Alexander Palace under the protective custody of the new Provisional Government.

The Russian autocracy transformed into a system of "dual power," shared between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet. The Provisional Government was mainly made up of former liberal and conservative Duma members who were not elected by the populace, leading to perceptions of its illegitimacy. To gain more formal authority, they included some representatives from the Petrograd Soviet, such as the moderate socialist Alexander Kerensky. Concerned about the increasing influence of the Petrograd Soviet, they attempted to appease it with minor reforms while firmly insisting on continuing the war, a stance opposed by the Petrograd Soviet. The Petrograd Soviet considered itself a quasi-shadow government, advocating for the needs of disenfranchised workers and soldiers. All its members were socialists, predominantly Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, with fewer Bolsheviks. They promised to withdraw Russia from the war if they gained power. Workers and soldiers, believing that the Petrograd Soviet would provide food, land, and peace, began to elect deputies in large numbers, significantly increasing membership. Among its executive committee was the Socialist Revolutionary Alexander Kerensky, a popular figure within the military.

The Petrograd Soviet criticized the Provisional Government, labeling it as bourgeois and boasting about their de facto power over the government’s de jure authority. They controlled major railway stations, telegraph networks, and strategic infrastructure, using these resources to exert pressure. In June 1917, a Bolshevization of the Soviets began, with the Bolsheviks leveraging their newspaper, Pravda, for a robust propaganda campaign. As time went on, political distinctions blurred as more Soviet-based parties joined the Provisional Government.

 

To further escalate the situation, Erich von Ludendorff facilitated Vladimir Lenin's return from exile in Zürich to Petrograd. At the Finland Station on April 16th, Lenin delivered a speech denouncing the Provisional Government and urging the Soviets to seize power. However, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries believed that Russia was not yet ready to transition to a communist regime. In the following days, Lenin participated in Bolshevik meetings, denouncing attempts to reconcile with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who supported the Provisional Government. He argued that the Provisional Government was merely a continuation of the old Tsarist regime and called for an immediate peace with the central powers, advocating for the Soviets to establish a communist government. Sensing frustration among the Bolsheviks, Lenin proposed an armed political demonstration to gauge the government's reaction.

The Bolsheviks initiated an uprising from July 3 to 7, referred to as the “July Days.” On July 11, Alexander Kerensky was appointed Prime Minister of the Provisional Government and employed military force to suppress the uprising, resulting in hundreds of deaths in the streets. Lenin fled to Finland to avoid arrest, while Trotsky and other socialist leaders were detained. Following the crackdown, a significant rift developed between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The Bolsheviks promised to end the war if they gained power, appealing strongly to soldiers and urban workers. A clear divide emerged not only between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviets but also within the military, which increasingly leaned towards the Bolsheviks in their desire to end the war. Although the uprising was unsuccessful, the Bolsheviks experienced substantial growth in membership, soon surpassing the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Kerensky appointed General Lavr Kornilov as the commander-in-chief of the Russian Army, hoping to create a more unified government. Kornilov aimed to eliminate any signs of revolution, particularly those associated with the Bolsheviks.

On September 4, General Kornilov, mistakenly believing that radicals were seizing control of the Provisional Government, ordered the army to subdue Petrograd. Kerensky attempted to prevent this by sending a telegram to dismiss Kornilov and instructing him not to advance on the city, but his efforts were futile, as Kornilov seemed intent on establishing a military dictatorship. Faced with a significant threat and lacking sufficient troops to defend Petrograd, Kerensky turned to the Petrograd Soviet and the Bolsheviks. Together, they formed the Committee for the Struggle Against Counterrevolution to protect Petrograd. Their success was largely due to the Bolsheviks' control of railways and telegraphs, which disrupted Kornilov’s coup. However, Kerensky armed the Bolsheviks and released prisoners like Leon Trotsky, making them appear as heroes to the public and positioning them as the primary opposition to the Provisional Government, while the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries hesitated to break from the national unity movement. Additionally, military officers and conservatives felt betrayed by Kerensky’s handling of Kornilov, rendering his Provisional Government ineffective.

On September 14th, Kerensky announced the establishment of the first Russian Republic, while the Bolsheviks began seizing control of major cities. During September and October, mass strikes erupted among urban workers in Petrograd and Moscow, as well as among metalworkers in the Urals, miners in the Donbas, oil workers in Baku, textile workers in the Central Industrial Region, and railway workers across over 44 railway lines. Peasants initiated uprisings in three-quarters of the country, losing faith that the Mensheviks or Social Revolutionaries could provide them with land. Garrisons in major cities, at the war fronts, and the Baltic Fleet no longer acknowledged the authority of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks secured a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, and Trotsky was elected chairman on October 8th. Aligning with Lenin against other factions, Trotsky voted for a military uprising on October 10th. He established a revolutionary military committee that systematically occupied key locations in Petrograd. However, Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev leaked this information, prompting Kerensky to take action on November 6th.

Kerensky deployed soldiers to shut down Bolshevik newspaper offices, announcing their immediate closure. The Bolsheviks condemned these actions, leading to sporadic clashes between Kerensky’s loyalist forces and Bolshevik militias, such as the Red Guards. The following day, the Bolsheviks launched an uprising in Petrograd, supported by a pro-Bolshevik flotilla in the harbor. The Red Guards methodically seized government buildings, railway stations, communication hubs, and other strategic points throughout the city. The Petrograd garrison and most local military units sided with the insurgents, leaving Kerensky and the Provisional Government isolated and unable to mount a significant defense. Kerensky fled Petrograd as Lenin declared the overthrow of the Provisional Government.

By the end of the year, Moscow, Sevastopol, Rostov, and many other cities had come under the control of the new Soviet Government. The October Revolution unfolded and concluded within just a few days. Within weeks, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic was formed. The government's immediate focus was on addressing domestic challenges, leading to a rapid implementation of reforms. The next step was to secure peace. In December 1917, negotiations commenced in the German-occupied city of Brest-Litovsk but faced delays until Trotsky announced to his fellow delegates that the war was over. “Our relationship with the imperialistic governments of both sides is the same, and we are no longer willing to shed our soldiers’ blood for the interests of one side over the other. We are leading our army and our people out of the war, in anticipation of an imminent time when the oppressed peoples of all countries will take their fate into their own hands, in the way that Russian workers have done. Our soldiers, once farm workers, must return to the land, which the revolution has taken out of the hands of the landowners and placed into peasant hands so that he can till the land peacefully this spring. Our industrial soldier must return to his workshop to produce weapons of production, rather than weapons of destruction, and together with the farmer build a new socialist economy.”Russia would not sign a treaty but also would not engage in further fighting, and the army was instructed to demobilize.

The Germans were taken aback by this turn of events, but they were determined to advance the front line as far as possible to compel the Soviets to agree to a treaty. The assault commenced almost immediately, encountering little to no resistance as they moved forward. The rest of the Baltic states fell rapidly, bringing the Germans close to the capital. Fearing the collapse of their fledgling state, the Soviets panicked and sent requests for terms. Nevertheless, the Germans continued their advance, aiming to secure leverage for a more severe treaty. Finally, on February 23, 1918, they presented their terms. The Soviet government, recognizing they had no alternative, agreed without hesitation.

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk proved catastrophic for the future USSR. It resulted in Russia losing 34% of its population, 54% of its industry, 90% of its Coal, and 26% of its railways. Finland, Ukraine. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Belarus became independent. None of the Allies acknowledged the Soviet government in Petrograd; instead, they opted to support the former Provisional Government. Supporters of the Provisional Government and the old Tsarist regime, along with other adversaries of the Bolsheviks, loosely formed a coalition known as the White Russians. The White Forces consisted of supporters from every corner of the old empire. Socialist opposition to the Bolsheviks, Tsarists, independence movements, Allied forces, and even the Germans cooperated to the common goal of eliminating the new Soviet Government.  The Soviet's separate peace with the Germans bolstered Allied support for the White forces. Viewing this as a failure of Russia’s treaty obligations, the Allies decided to intervene in its internal matters. By May, Allied troops had landed in Murmansk and Vladivostok, with the US Army eventually deploying several thousand soldiers to Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok. Initially, these forces were welcomed as a safeguard against further German intervention following the treaty's signing. However, within months, clashes erupted between the Allied detachments and the newly established Red Army, leading to prolonged fighting.

Initially, the White forces were quite disorganized. Local factions leaned towards independence, and the support from the Allies was never as robust as the White forces required. Over time, multiple centers of resistance emerged. General Anton Denikin took command of the White Russian forces in the south, with his support base located around the Black and Caspian Seas. In the north, General Yevgeny Miller operated from Arkhangelsk, while General Nikolai Yudenich was positioned in Helsinki in the northwest. In 1919, these three leaders would unite to provide support for Admiral Alexander Kolchak's Supreme Command. This organized resistance functioned as a shadow government until its near collapse in 1920, although fighting persisted until 1922. 

For Germany, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk turned out to be a major mistake. The occupied territories necessitated the presence of over one million soldiers in the east, which hindered the full deployment of troops to the western front as originally intended. Since the war began, food shortages had been a persistent issue for Germany and Austria-Hungary, and there were hopes that territorial gains in the east would help alleviate this problem. However, these expectations were unrealistic, as meaningful exports could not be established overnight from a region ravaged by war and turmoil. As a result, in 1918, the Central Powers faced growing unrest at home. There was a consensus that the war needed to end soon, but the pressing question was how to achieve that outcome in their favor.

Eager to bring the war to a close, Germany launched a spring offensive. On March 21, 1918, the "Michael" offensive commenced, with the German 17th, 2nd, and 18th Armies attacking along a front stretching from the Somme to Flanders. The divisions involved had been specially trained and chosen for this assault, targeting relatively unprepared British troops from the 3rd and 5th Armies. Although the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) anticipated the offensive, they had not adequately prepared for it. In the first week, the German forces made significant tactical advances, pushing nearly to Amiens. At this stage of the conflict, around ten thousand American soldiers were arriving at the front each day, a number the German Army could not match. For every British soldier taken out of action, an American was ready to step in. The offensive began to lose momentum as it entered its second week, and on April 5, General Ludendorff called it off. The operation lasted only fifteen days, resulting in over two hundred thousand casualties for Germany, who gained just forty miles of territory. While the BEF and the French Army suffered losses, they could replace their troops much more rapidly than the Germans. The British and French reserves totaled around two hundred thousand men, not including the increasing American forces. In contrast, the Germans could only muster about sixty thousand replacements for the units involved in the Michael offensive, leading to a growing disparity in troop strength.

Warnings were plentiful that the troops were nearing the limits of their strength. Since March, the German Army had incurred approximately a million casualties across all fronts, with only seven hundred thousand men arriving as replacements. Nevertheless, Ludendorff remained unconvinced and initiated four additional offensives, further depleting Germany's already limited reserves. By late July, the German Army had exhausted its resources completely. The situation was critical, and the balance of power on the Western Front had clearly shifted in favor of the Allies. The defeat of Russia had not alleviated the issues in the West. German troops were exhibiting significant indiscipline, with division commanders expressing concerns to higher command about the troops' quality and fighting spirit. Looting by German soldiers became rampant, and the peace movement at home was increasingly difficult to overlook.

On August 8, the Allies launched the offensive that would ultimately conclude the war in the West. The Hundred Days Offensive saw millions of front-line troops advancing along the entire front. The American Expeditionary Force attacked in the St. Mihiel sector, while the British Expeditionary Force, along with Belgian and French forces, engaged in their respective areas. The following weeks showcased a brutal attritional warfare, resulting in some of the highest casualties of the entire conflict.

 

Under the mounting pressure, Ludendorff finally broke. His armies were unable to withstand the Allies’ offensive. By mid-September, the Bulgarians had collapsed, leaving the southern flank of the Central Powers vulnerable. Faced with this situation, the once-unyielding Ludendorff informed the Kaiser that the war needed to come to an end. He even proposed that the Social Democrats be granted power in the government. Consequently, Kaiser Wilhelm II appointed Prince Max von Baden as Chancellor. Baden, who had been an opposition figure since the war began, was surprised to be entrusted with such authority. On October 4, he sent the first serious peace overture, directly asking President Wilson for an armistice. Discussions continued throughout October. Meanwhile, the German army was suffering severe losses in Belgium. However, Ludendorff approached the Kaiser, advocating for the continuation of the war and the dismissal of Baden. He based his argument on the lofty notion of maintaining resistance if the armies could retreat to the German border in an orderly fashion. In reality, he had experienced a physical and mental breakdown in September when he first suggested peace to the Kaiser. A few weeks later, having regained some strength and confidence, he attempted to reassert his authority and influence over the Kaiser, hoping to have Baden removed. Instead, Ludendorff was dismissed, although his longtime ally, Hindenburg, retained his position.

The Kaiser had not yet succeeded in removing the war faction from his cabinet. The Navy High Command made a final attempt to fight back. On November 3rd, sailors revolted when ordered to set sail for a last confrontation with the Royal Navy. This sparked widespread unrest and protests in Kiel and later in Lubeck. On November 10th, the Kaiser abdicated and fled to the neutral Netherlands. However, his abdication was largely symbolic, as representatives from the Reichstag had already declared Germany a republic on the 9th. Delegates were sent to negotiate an armistice, and a provisional government was established, with a peace treaty to follow. The war was effectively over for Germany. Friedrich Ebert was appointed as the new leader of the government, but he faced an escalating crisis as communist and other far-left groups sought to seize power. Right-wing factions also remained active. Violent clashes erupted across Germany as both far-right and far-left movements vied for influence. It wasn't until August 1919 that a new constitution was adopted. This marked the beginning of a return to stability in Germany under the Weimar Republic, as the constitution aimed to provide a compromise that facilitated a democratic process to address the conflicts between the political extremes. However, both sides continued to resort to violence to achieve their goals for some time. Eventually, within a generation, election campaigning would become the favored method for gaining political power in Germany.

The rest of Europe officially concluded the First World War on November 11, 1918, with the signing of the Armistice, which effectively ended the conflict in the West, even though the Treaty of Versailles would not be finalized until June 1919. The war had a devastating impact on all parties involved, particularly for the Central Powers, who faced catastrophic consequences. The monarchies of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire were all dismantled, with Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire ceasing to exist as nations. Germany was significantly weakened, while Austria-Hungary suffered approximately thirty-eight percent of its soldiers as casualties or prisoners. The Ottoman Empire experienced around fifty percent of its military personnel as casualties during the conflict.

Although the Allies emerged as victors, they did not come out as strong as one might expect. The immense burden of the war inflicted severe damage on all nations involved. World War One drained Europe, from London to Moscow, of a generation of young men. Billions of dollars were invested in the war effort, and the best outcome was that they had not been defeated. France was nominally the dominant land power in the world, with no one able to withstand its armies in 1918. However, reaching this point required nearly all of the country's resources. France lost about seventy percent of the men it recruited during the war as casualties. Britain performed better in relative terms, with nearly fifty percent of its recruits becoming casualties for the British Empire. Russia faced around thirty-five percent of its soldiers as casualties, with millions more captured or unaccounted for. Additionally, countless civilians were caught in the conflict, displaced from their homes or succumbing to starvation.

Europe in 1918 was remarkably different from what it had been in 1914. The most devastating war in history had transformed the continent’s geography, demographics, and politics. A power vacuum emerged in the Balkans as all three major powers collapsed. The Baltic states had also undergone significant changes; Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Finland had not existed in 1914. These nations primarily arose from the remnants of the Russian Empire, with Poland expanding following Germany's downfall. For the first time since the seventeenth century, Ukraine emerged as an independent nation. Germany's military might had completely crumbled. In 1914, the Kaiser’s army was highly regarded and feared as the most capable military force in Europe since the time of Napoleon. Now, it was limited by a treaty to just 100,000 troops, prohibited from having tanks or an air force, and faced little prospect of regaining its former status as the world’s leading military power. The German navy was insignificantly small, with no submarines allowed and a surface fleet reduced to an outdated force that could hardly influence naval affairs anywhere globally.

In 1918, the Russian Army was in utter chaos. While the German Army had been reduced to a small standing force, it still retained a solid core of experienced commissioned and noncommissioned officers. The same could not be said for the newly formed Red Army, where officers were vanishing at an alarming rate due to executions, dismissals, and desertions. Ideological conformity became the main criterion for new appointments, leading to many aristocratic generals being deemed unfit for service. This resulted in a leadership crisis. Despite these challenges, the leaders of the new Russian Soviet government sought to reclaim territories lost during the war. The Treaty of Versailles established a formal peace between the Central Powers and the Allies, but not throughout all of Europe. The Treaty of Versailles resulted in Germany giving up its territorial gains from Brest-Litovsk, as well as cede several important territories to old rivals and new countries alike. Germany lost 12% of its population, 10% of its coal, 48% of its Iron ore, and all of its overseas territories. Its army was to be limited to 100K soldiers and the Navy was limited to 15K sailors with no Air Force allowed. Just two days after the initial Armistice, Lenin’s government rejected the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, ensuring that Europe would remain in turmoil. The Soviets were determined to reconquer their lost lands. The Russian Civil War had begun shortly after the October Revolution but had been simmering for months. Now, however, the situation was about to escalate, with wars of reconquest igniting and the Allies increasingly supporting the White Russians.

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By the early 20th century, the Empire of Russia faced absolute turmoil leading to the revolution of 1905. The Tsar did little to change the crumbling empire as they entered WW1. The war went disastrously allowing for another revolution to kick off in 1917. The Bolsheviks seized power, and signed a brutal treaty with the Central Powers who shortly after lost WW1. Within this vacuum now Russia faced a civil war.